the unintended consequences of economic populism
“POPULIST, n. A fossil patriot of the early agricultural period, found in the old red soapstone underlying Kansas; characterized by an uncommon spread of ear, which some naturalists contend gave him the power of flight, though Professors Morse and Whitney, pursuing independent lines of thought, have ingeniously pointed out that had he possessed it he would have gone elsewhere. In the picturesque speech of his period, some fragments of which have come down to us, he was known as “The Matter with Kansas.””
[updated]
General Motors, recently back from the brink of financial ruin, is now ramping up production of 60,000 new vehicles; recalling some 1,350 laid-off workers; and giving overtime to over 10,000 current employees. And it’s all thanks to Uncle Sam’s Cash for Clunkers program. In an economy as shaky as this one, with job numbers that seem increasingly bad, this is good news right?
Maybe.
Though I can hardly begrudge someone their job, especially during a recession, I think any time private-sector jobs are resurrected through the voodoo of government subsidies there is real cause for concern. These programs are bandages only, and do nothing to address the cause of the wound itself.
G.M. and other auto-makers did not have to actually do anything to experience this sudden recovery. They didn’t need to lower the prices on existing vehicles or renegotiate wages with the autoworkers unions or fire management and bring in new blood. They didn’t even create a better product. They just sat back and reaped the benefits of a resurgence of populist sentiment, happy to let the government do the work of the market.
But what will happen when the subsidies end, and management, the unions, and shareholders all discover that their business is one built on sand? What happens when it turns out this sudden uptick in demand was just an illusion?
This is the trouble with economic populism, which is a very vague term to begin with. Indeed, economic populism is vague in every sense of the word, a random spattering of popular appeal, strong lobbying interests, and political opportunism.
More often than not, populist demands to tax the wealthy and redistribute wealth are answered with policies that do little to actually redistribute money anywhere other than into the coffers of government bureaucracies or the special interest groups who lobby the hardest. Efforts to “protect” American workers and businesses only stave off the inevitable. After all, there is a reason companies need protection, and it’s usually because people have stopped buying their product. There’s usually a reason for that, too.
Egalitarian measures, however well-intentioned, tend to grow the state but do very little to alleviate the problems with poverty or joblessness. Higher taxes, more stringent regulations, and the tightening of protectionist policies all benefit the state first and foremost and corporations and special interests next. American taxpayers are left holding the tab.
If populism really only boiled down to a redistribution of wealth, the story would be entirely different. As Mark noted recently,
“Government, both in terms of size and power, has grown to the point where it is possible to plausibly connect government intervention to almost any imaginable problem. But although I believe this general libertarian inclination to point the finger at government for any given problem is correct more often than not, the converse of being able to link government to just about any problem is something that libertarians have a hard time recognizing. Specifically, if government is now so large as to be able to take the blame for any problem, it is equally true that government is now large and powerful enough to take credit for any good.”
Certainly some redistribution of wealth is used to pay for our defense, our roads, our police and fire departments, and our schools. These aren’t really the fruits of economic populism, but they are most certainly the fruits of a just system of governance which redistributes wealth for the common good.
The irony, of course, is that as an economy collapses or shrinks, the cries for government intervention into more and more aspects of the economy and our daily lives become louder and louder – from both left and right. The left calls for equality and justice while those populists on the right call for virtue and limits. Both decry capitalism as though it were something intentional and inherently unfair, or as something unnatural and corrupting. And certainly the ethical concerns raised by the populists on both right and left are worth noting and contain a great deal of misguided yet seductive wisdom. On their face they offer much, but in their substance they deliver very little indeed.
Those on the right who advocate place, limits, and liberty and claim that capitalism places too much emphasis on greed are certainly correct to a degree. Whenever money begins changing hands the capacity for greed, for shallow consumerism, for the idolatry of money all become very real ethical and moral hazards. What is left out of the critique is that such hazards are not at all unique to capitalism. This is simply human nature. Perhaps in days of yore greed played a more minor role in our lives, but I imagine it was because we were all too poor to be terribly greedy, and didn’t live long enough for words like “shopping” or “leisure” to enter into our vocabulary. A shallow consumerist culture is impossible if nobody has any time or money.
Then again, that is the virtue of circumstance. High standards of living make virtue less inevitable, but also more meaningful. When we are not given the forbidden fruit to begin with where is the virtue in choosing not to taste it? When we possess free will and a credit card, our virtue comes at a price. The critique of individualism inherent in these more communitarian arguments also misses a larger point. It is not so much individualism that is at the root of our modern woes, but entitlement masquerading as individualism. Nevertheless, these critiques are valuable as mirrors or windows into a world unaccustomed to prosperity. Culturally we are ill-prepared to meet with our own success and yet, on a whole, technology, prosperity and the other trappings of the modern world have been a huge net gain for society.
Populists on the left emphasize equality and social justice. These are also very noble causes. However the state can only help to achieve these goals in a very limited fashion. Building roads and schools is one pretty good way to go about this; subsidizing the cost of new vehicles is not. Removing segregation laws is a good thing; raising the minimum wage in the middle of an economic downturn is not. Temporary safety nets are a necessary fact of life; huge entitlements and chronic welfare are consequences of government excess. Pointing out that there are corporations gaming the system and bringing them to justice is something we should work toward; casting all corporations as evil and monolithic is just lazy. At some point the very notion that social welfare programs are best implemented as giant bureaucratic institutions needs to be rethought altogether. And lest we forget, the economy itself is a natural mechanism by which to redistribute wealth.
In the end, though, populism is dangerous because it is used as a weapon by powerful politicians who appeal not to our intellect or our sense of personal responsibility, but to our sense of moral outrage or victimhood, to pass sweeping legislation that further entrenches the power and stature of big government and perpetuates the crony capitalism of massive bailouts and corporate welfare. Cash for Clunkers would never have been necessary if Washington had stopped protecting the Big Three automakers decades ago and had instead allowed markets to work organically. The Big Three would have evolved in order to compete with international automakers like Honda and Toyota, or they would have failed. Maybe we’d only have one or two big American automakers now, but they wouldn’t be in the dire straights they’re in, and they wouldn’t need a government life line just to remain in business.
Besides, economic populism is simply wrong-headed whether or not its heart is in the right place. Efforts to restrict the organic nature of the market not only tend to backfire, but also only take a very short view into perspective. Many localists and protectionists may find their long-term goals will be achieved by the free market, after all. As fuel prices begin to rise we may very well see a return to walkable communities and more local manufacturing, thanks to the advent of nanotechnology and the high expense of shipping goods internationally. Travel may become more limited, and mass transit may begin to replace cars and planes alike.
In other words, many of the things I hope for and that drew me for a while toward localism, protectionism, and other critiques of market capitalism, may come to pass anyways, without any meddling at all. As Daniel McCarthy put it, a while back, “To the extent that I believe any improvements in our world are possible, I think they will almost always be incremental and non-systemic, precisely because the fund of human virtue, even in the smallest, purest places, runs nearly dry.”
Update.
I may have come across as entirely anti-government in this post and I didn’t mean to – as I’ve said many times before, we should not reflexively distrust government; we should have faith that government can be managed well and can help to achieve social stability and a better, more equal and prosperous populace. We just also need to be realistic about how much of this can really be achieved and what the unintended consequences of government actions might be. Just because something is morally right, does not mean the effects of acting on it will be the intended effects, or even that we’ll know or understand those effects for a very long time. Prudence, caution, and limits are all vital. I believe we have, over all, a pretty damn good government. But it can all change. The importance of limits and checks on power cannot be overstated, whether we are talking about war or health care reform. Power is liquid. It can transfer itself from one to the other in ways we simply cannot foresee.
See also David Henderson.
There’s a cute little editorial cartoon/blog here at the Detroit Free Press:
http://freep.com/article/20090820/BLOG24/90820002/1319/BUSINESS06/The-argument-against-clunkers-goes-clunk-
Hrm… the original point to my posting that link was to point to the comments it was getting from (I presume they were) Michiganders. Those comments (indeed, all of the comments) have disappeared.
So I will instead make this minor point:
Those UAW jobs that have been saved, recalled, or had overtime extended? That is what is seen.Report
Exactly.
Actually, this concept has been hugely, dare I say monstrously, influential on my thinking and writing lately.Report
I’ve got nothing to add.Report
Like hell you don’t…you just don’t know it yet….Report
“G.M. and other auto-makers did not have to actually do anything to experience this sudden recovery. They didn’t need to lower the prices on existing vehicles or renegotiate wages with the autoworkers unions or fire management and bring in new blood.”
What are you talking about? GM and the unions did renegotiate the contracts. LoG columns are generally good, but this one is just self-indulgent blather full of mistakes and broad, unevidenced claims.
What’s the difference between an “entitlement” and a “social safety net”? Maybe it’s like porn, but I get the feeling that dealing with concrete matters rather than floating abstractions would defeat the point of Mr Kain’s silly little rant.Report
Here’s a question – did the negotiations spur this new demand for 60,000 extra vehicles? Did the new contracts lead to these surprising sales? Or was it the massive subsidy provided by the government to all automakers, with really no strings attached?
And there is perhaps no philosophical difference between and entitlement and a safety net, but I tend to view the latter as a very temporary function and the former as something rather more permanent.
I’ve said it before, but it’s all about the implementation.Report
So Mr Kain is against Social Security and Medicare? I guess he would think it cheap populism to object to letting our nation’s elderly languish in poverty. There’s a reason these programs are popular: they are extremely successful at their intended goals of providing basic income and health insurance to the elderly.
Mr Kain is beginning to sound like the typical libertarian wingnut, which is disappointing.Report
You are more than welcome to refer to me as “you” when you’re talking to me. Third person is…disorienting.
No I don’t oppose social security and medicare, but I think they do need to be reformed or they will become insolvent. Especially Medicare. I think a lot of people agree with me on this on either side of whichever aisle you want to talk about.
And actually you bring up a good point – obviously Medicare and Social Security can’t be “temporary” by nature; but they can be means-tested. Better, more efficient redistribution of wealth would take place and they would remain more fiscally sound as programs in the future.Report
Oooh. Comparing Social Security and Medicare to buying used cars from middle-class people and then destroying the engines…
Hrm.
I suppose I could make this work.
Social Security and Medicare actively provide an incentive for knowledge workers above a certain age to leave productive jobs behind. These jobs would not only add to intangibles as “GDP” but would keep years of experience in knowledge positions and add to productivity, quality, and society.
Paying these people to leave work is the equivalent of paying people to give up a recent-model used car in exchange for a check to pay for a new one that is only marginally better and then destroying the used car rather than allowing it to enter the market where the less politically connected might make use of it.
Okay, it was a stretch but I don’t think it’s all bad.Report
Also, it’s disappointing that Mr Kain can’t admit his basic factual mistake concerning union contracts. I expect such arrogance from the MSM, but blogs are generally better. If he keeps up like this, maybe one day Mr Kain will get a spot on the MTP roundtable. 🙂Report
See my question responding to your first comment. The point I’m trying to make is that any union contract negotiations or other restructuring efforts on the part of GM did not directly lead to this resurgence in sales. Cash for Clunkers did.Report
Union contracts will be worth the paper they’re printed on, but little more, once the companies realize that they did little more than hasten purchases that would have happened anyway with the government program… and now they have to sell the exact same cars to people who no longer have an extra four grand to drop on a new car rather than, say, a used Civic.Report
I agree with a lot of this. Obviously, populism is frequently used by people championing their own self-interest, and government intervention can have distorting and negative effects on the marketplace. That our sodas are sweetened by a corn derivative instead of sugar is a real example of this.
But if I’m reading you correctly, you seem to be arguing that government intervention into the marketplace is always a bad thing. I couldn’t disagree with you more. Probably the most dramatic example of this is the Federal Reserve, which was a key progressive idea that was opposed by most of the conservatives of the day (and evidently many of them now, e.g. Ron Paul). In fact, the whole idea of implementing measures to try to achieve economic growth is an idea that largely came from the left–before F.D.R., that was not government policy, and so we had decades before that where there was no real wage growth, prices went up and down, all for the sake of letting the market self-optimize and avoid that messy “socialism”. In addition, while not every aspect of the New Deal was successful, quite a bit of it actually improved free enterprise by creating new markets for goods and services. Before the 1930s, the South and the Southwest were basically third-world countries. Thanks to the New Deal, and in particular the agricultural and electrification programs, things got an awful lot better in those areas. Now we didn’t eliminate poverty back then, but people saw things get much better for them during those days, which is why they re-elected Roosevelt three times. And that was the basis for the strong, middle class based post-war economy up through the 1970s.
I don’t believe in propping up failing industries for the sake of it, but I’m not appalled at the very notion of government interference in the marketplace because it can work. In a broader sense, I’m more comfortable with government power than with corporate power right now because government is supposed to answer to us, while business is not under that particular obligation. There are many, many problems with our government (and our attitudes toward it, which are also part of the problem), but I don’t think that just letting globalization continue apace without addressing the devastating impacts it can have on peoples’ lives is an acceptable answer to the question.
I suppose the reason why I’m not a conservative is because I feel that conservatism doesn’t really answer the questions of modern life satisfactorily. I’m no Marxist, but I do think that Marx’s critique of capitalism is fundamentally correct, and it has largely gone unanswered by free-marketeers because it accurately points out many weaknesses inherent in the system. Not all businessmen are greedy, but they are all possessed of self-interest. Power can be wielded without corruption, of course, and sometimes it is, but the power of self-interest is usually in that it can disguise itself as altruism, or as the only available option, and by our nature we are inclined to think of ourselves first. Giving people more latitude with great power will only lead to corruption occurring more often. Self-interest is one of the most recognizable qualities in human history, and it recurs again and again and again. Marx thought it could be overcome, and that is where we part ways, but the center-left, social democratic perspective takes that into account on economics and puts mechanisms in place to mitigate the damage that self-interest can do to people. It’s never easy to put this into practice, owing mainly to the intense nature of self-interest in man, but it is an answer. The libertarian types tend to just assume “enlightened self-interest” as the motivator for human behavior, but between the Depression, the S&L scandals of the 80s, Enron and now the financial crisis, there’s often very little enlightened about how self-interest manifests itself in human affairs. (I’ll just avoid commenting on mainstream conservatism directly, as it’s less a philosophy than an odd and outmoded constellation of issue positions constructed as a counterpoint to Communism.)
I appreciate that there need to be limits on what government controls, and I’m hardly a full-on socialist, so for example I’m not really interested in nationalizing the clothing industry, or having a U.S. Video Game Authority, for example. But it’s still unclear to me how the libertarian position is to protect us from some of the worst effects of self-interest. And that’s why we need a government that paves roads and polices the borders.Report
Lev – I’m not nearly up to snuff enough on the Federal Reserve and monetary policy to comment now, though that is on the agenda.
However, no, I don’t think there is no time for government intervention into the economy, I just believe it should be limited. The tendency to probe further and further into the economy is a strong one, and it’s hard to resist attempting to solve every problem with more and more government. Eventually more harm than good comes of it, but certainly not in every case. Absolutism is a dangerous thing in and of itself, and I think the government has its place alongside everything else in society.Report
Keeping in mind that I’m fully aware that libertarianism has its share of blind spots, I want to point out what I think is a major blind spot in this criticism. Specifically:
“Not all businessmen are greedy, but they are all possessed of self-interest. Power can be wielded without corruption, of course, and sometimes it is, but the power of self-interest is usually in that it can disguise itself as altruism, or as the only available option, and by our nature we are inclined to think of ourselves first. Giving people more latitude with great power will only lead to corruption occurring more often. Self-interest is one of the most recognizable qualities in human history, and it recurs again and again and again. Marx thought it could be overcome, and that is where we part ways, but the center-left, social democratic perspective takes that into account on economics and puts mechanisms in place to mitigate the damage that self-interest can do to people. It’s never easy to put this into practice, owing mainly to the intense nature of self-interest in man, but it is an answer.”
The blind spot here is that it ignores that government officials are also possessed of their own self-interest. There’s also the Hayekian calculation problem, but that’s less relevant. The libertarian argument is not that “enlightened self-interest” is the motivation for human behavior, but rather that markets diffuse self-interest whereas government intervention centralizes it and gives it more power. There are, to be sure, flaws with this argument, but I think it’s important to recognize that government officials are no more immune to self-interest than business leaders, but the government official has far more power.Report
My take is that intervention is something that, in theory, might work.
Let’s look at Cash-4-Clunkers. Is there a potential bill that would have helped a whole lot of people? Well… I can think of one thing. Let’s say that the used cars that people traded in entered the market.
We’ve got a whole bunch of middle-class folks who go out and trade in their relatively recent-model car for a brand-spankin’-new Chevy with better gas mileage.
Fair enough.
The dealer now has a relatively recent-model car that he can sell to someone who isn’t quite as middle-class as that last family who came in here. He can’t exactly charge what he used to charge for the same vehicle because, in the last month, the market was *FLOODED* with vehicles. Not only did he get that vehicle but Dealin’ Doug and Wheelin’ Wally and Crazy Charlie down the road got some too. Well, he got it for a song, why not undercut those guys a bit.
And a family comes in to get a great deal on a fairly-recent model car. They trade their car in. It’s not a bad car, mind, but… lord it’s not a good one. It’s “eh”, as these things go.
Well, the dealer got it for a song. When the poor family comes in and says “wow, I can’t believe they’re selling an ‘eh’ car for so little!” and trade in their “holy crap, I can’t believe that POS is still running” car for an eh, car. They’re better off. The other families are better off. The dealer is better off… as is Dealin’ Doug, Wheelin’ Wally, and Crazy Larry. They’re all moving iron!
As it stands, however, the first family to come in and traded away their recent-model car had that car destroyed. Glass was poured in the engine and a sledge was taken to the tranny. The next group of families are all in the exact same situation they were in the day before.
Now my question is not whether there is some mythical government intervention that might not make everybody better off.
It’s, if given the choice, do I choose between nothing at all and the cash-4-clunkers we got.
I choose nothing at all.
I use a similar reasoning in the health care debate. And the TSA. All of Patriot, for that matter. Any given war the government feels is necessary. And so on.
It’s not that I’m unmoved by arguments that “something ought to be done”. Sure. It’s that what we end up getting will be so much worse than the hypothetical something imagined when something is called for that nothing would be preferable to the actual something that shows up.Report
I get what you’re saying, Mark. But I think that there is a certain naivety in your rebuttal. I think that if markets worked like the Econ 101 textbook said they do, then there would be a much stronger case for libertarianism. But they don’t. In some fields is there true competition. Some parts of the computer industry feature lots of competition, and there’s been decades of rapid advancement as a result. I think this has something to do with the cost of entry–buying some computers and hiring some code monkeys is relatively cheap, as opposed to building a factory to create jumbo jets.
But in many industries, there tend to be a few companies that dominate the marketplace. Gas and oil, obviously, is one. Healthcare is predominantly another. In most states, there isn’t much competition amongst insurers because the marketplace is highly concentrated. I tend to think that government should get more involved in these areas to act as a counterpoint to accumulated corporate power, be it either in an antitrust capacity or in a more significant role.
I still think my argument generally works. I spent some time in the past intrigued by libertarian thought, and if you could somehow suppress the accumulating instinct that pops up so often in markets, it would be something much closer to a workable system (if aided by some nontrivial safety nets). But I think it’s just a natural tendency of the institution and the actors to try to come together to dominate market share. In fact, that’s what the institution is based on and encourages. A competitive marketplace might bring about more diffused power, but a concentrated marketplace will not. So we’re back to square one.Report
Oh, I’m not arguing for anarcho-capitalism or anything like that. I don’t even necessarily view the above as a particularly strong argument for libertarianism. I was just trying to: 1. Clarify what the usual libertarian argument on that point actually is; and 2. Point out an inconsistency in the argument against self-interest that I think liberals often miss.Report
Fair enough, Mark. And I think there are certain situations in which you may well be right. And there are ways of addressing the problems I describe in more “small-government” ways–i.e. the government could resurrect the spirit of Teddy Roosevelt and go another round of trust-busting. But the accumulation factor in the marketplace seems to just be an historical fact.Report
I don’t get your argument, Jaybird. Cash for clunkers offers a subsidy for trading in an old car for a new one. The car company makes money off of the increased sales, but why would that make them any more or less likely to pawn off deliberately terrible cars on people? Presumably market rules would hold, they want people to come back to buy more cars later, there are other competitive options, etc. Just because we subsidize corn out the wazoo doesn’t mean that farmers poison their crop as a way of screwing consumers. Indeed, I have never heard of such a thing happening.
That sounds like some Randroid stuff, honestly. God knows that there have been some terrible government programs in our time–AFDC being a pretty good example, and one that most liberals now realize was a bad program that needed to be changed. But the larger point is that the Great Society more than halved the poverty rate in this country, which was its goal. The New Deal created the vibrant postwar economy, and I mean no embellishment whatsoever at saying that. And both of those, while today conceived of as super-duper-ultraleftist programs, were both fairly modest liberal programs in the grand scheme of things. If you want to see some actual leftism, look up the premiership of Clement Attlee in the United Kingdom. Here’s a teaser: nationalized coal, steel, and gas industries. Strict wage and employment controls. The National Health Insurance, which interestingly enough was one of the least controversial elements of their program (Churchill, then the Opposition Leader, supported the concept completely). And yet Britain didn’t exactly go under after they were implemented. I don’t support that level of government involvement for the United States (indeed, the UK’s negative experiences with inflation in the 60s and 70s suggest that they went too far), but it’s not like there aren’t examples of government intervention producing less than catastropic results.Report
I think Jaybird was pointing out the fact that the program required that all the used cars traded in be destroyed rather than sold.Report
Okay. I might have misread that.Report
I wasn’t saying that… I see E.D. covered this.
I am sure that the people who bought the new cars received great value for the car they bought. Hell, they got a $4,500 subsidy!
The problem is that the cars that we most want *OFF* the roads? The holy crap I can’t believe that POS is still running cars?
They are still on the road. They weren’t eligible for the full $4500 and, let’s face it, it’s not like the people who were driving those could afford a new Chevy or Civic even with the additional cash.
But they would have benefitted from upgrading their POS car for the car that the family would have traded for the car that the other family would have traded for the Chevy.
Unfortunately, that wasn’t an option.Report
And let me clarify:
My choice wasn’t between a world in which we had
A) the status quo
B) a cash-4-clunkers that would inject a large amount of new cars into the economy and an equivalent amount of high-quality used cars into the used market (that would then cascade on down to the point where we might get some of the POS with black smoke and everything cars off the road).
It was that I had a choice between
A) the status quo
B) mostly middle to upper-middle class people trading in high quality recent model used cars for new cars and then the high quality recent model used cars would be destroyed
While, given both choices, I (being me) would still pick A for both of them, I don’t know of *ANY* entity that would see B in the second case as preferable to B in the first case.
Hell, I could even see B in the first case as being preferable to A in the minds of people who had different premises about life, morality, etc than I do (though I disagree with them, I understand how they could reach the conclusion that they did).
The *ONLY* group of people in the world who would see destroying high quality recent model used cars that have just been exchanged for new cars as preferable to the status quo is Congress.
It honestly boggles my mind.Report