(Political) Myths Doesn’t Equal Unreal
Br. Jamelle goes on the attack against radical centrism of the Thomas Friedman variety.
He writes:
The term “radical centrism” is absolutely incoherent. The New Oxford American Dictionary defines radical as “relating to or affecting the fundamental nature of something; far-reaching or thorough.” Which, incidentally, is the precise opposite of “centrism.” For centrists, public policy is only “good” when it offers a concrete benefits to existing stakeholders and entrenched interests. By and large, centrism is an ideology of the status quo, and centrists are most concerned with maintaining existing institutional arrangements. Reform is rarely pursued, and then, only when it can be achieved through tepid incrementalism (the exception, of course, being wars and defense spending)…Like I said at the beginning of this post though, “radical centrism” is a complete contradiction in terms, and it would please me to no end to see the phrase mocked, denounced and completely excised from political dialogue.
This caught my eye since the other day I wrote a rather positive review of Michael Lind’s review of his decade-old book Radical Center.
Lind differentiates between (in his words) the radical center and the mushy middle of centrism. The “mushy middle” centrism of Lind is the radical middle of Thomas Friedman, correctly critiqued by Jamelle–a little confusing to be sure but important to keep in mind.
Here’s the passage I quoted from Lind (with my emphasis):
To make things even more complicated, as journalists such as John Judis pointed out back in the 1990s, America’s loose but real class system produces not one but two centers: the radical center, which is based in the white working class and lower middle class; and the “mushy middle” (or the “sensible center” or “moderate middle), which is based in the corporate world, the corporate media and in many think tanks in Washington. While the socially downscale radical center is center-left in economics and center-right in cultural matters (in favor of lowering the Medicare retirement age, against race-based affirmative action), the socially upscale mushy middle is center-right in economics and center-left in culture (in favor of cutting Social Security and Medicare and also for promoting ethnic diversity in an elite that is homogeneous in class and worldview).
The mushy middle represents the class interests of the college-educated professional/managerial overclass, a group that makes up at most 10 or 20 percent of the U.S. population. That 10 or 20 percent, however, accounts for nearly 100 percent of the personnel in corporate management, news media and the universities. As a result, the only “center” that is ever represented in mainstream political discourse is the mushy middle, whose spokesmen include David Gergen and David Broder. Deprived of credentialed advocates in positions of power and influence, radical centrist voters are forced to find their tribunes among anti-system politicians or journalists, like Ross Perot and Lou Dobbs, whose theatrical styles and appeals to (sometimes justified) resentments allow the establishment spokesmen of the mushy middle to dismiss them as primitive Neanderthals and pitchfork-wielding populists. (my emphasis)
I don’t really like Lind’s use of the term “white” in “white working class”, I would prefer simply “working class” across ethnic-racial distinctions, but I think his point otherwise stands.
I’m not married to the use of the term “radical center” (or similarly radical middle, rational center, etc.), but as slight pushback against Jamelle I think the term is (at least in principle) coherent. Truth be told, there is basically no one in US elected office who represents said views consistently and the only de facto “centrism” at play in Congress is precisely the kind (correctly) mocked by Jamelle, Lind, and others.
In other words, not to be splitting hairs here (because I think the words actually do matter), Lind and Halstead called their book Radical Center and therefore if it’s an “ism” it’s Radical Center-ism not Centrism. Centrism then being the ideology of people like Lieberman, Graham, Nelson, Snowe, and Collins.
Radical center in contrast as used by Lind means the following:
Radical: to the root of problems. Looking for large-scale, systemic change.
Center: More concerned with what it sees as the natural social-economic-political center of the country (and particularly the left)–the working classes. It has the bonus of being able to “center” (i.e. ground) itself by cross left/right adherence. It does so through “centering” (i.e. focusing on) on various policy arenas and finding synthetic connections across the boundaries. This is different than the mushy middle centrism which (as the name suggests) is just the lowest common denominator of the political opinions on a simplistic linear spectrum model.
In the Thomas Friedman model of radical centrism, Jamelle is right–the term is self-contradictory. But in the way Lind-Halstead use the term, I don’t think the same criticism applies. So while I can appreciate Jamelle’s desire to eradicate the term radical centrism out of existence given the dominance of the mushy middle centrism, but there might be some healthy (political) germs along with the unhealthy ones that would be sterilized if we totally followed that process.
I tend to think of ‘principled Centrism’ which is a very rare thing (i.e. someone whose political leanings truly fall in the Center) and the ‘compromise Center’ which are the Snowes, the Spectres, etc who leverage their position to get more power than they deserve. Those guys make me barf.Report
“I don’t really like Lind’s use of the term “white” in “white working class”, I would prefer simply “working class” across ethnic-racial distinctions, but I think his point otherwise stands.”
Apropos of my comment to your earlier post, I’m not convinced Lind’s point stands without the word “white” because I think that he is speaking in more or less explicitly racial terms. The “resentments” he refers to aren’t so much the utter hosing of the working class at the hands of neo-liberal economic policies as resentments at the perceived preferential treatment of the “others.” His books — forgive me for repeating myself — trace a downward trajectory from Anglo-America to multi-cultural America.
For me, the question is: can the “radical center” be thought of otherwise? I suspect the answer is “no.” I’ve been on Reconstruction/Gilded Age reading kick lately and I’m struck at how exclusive what could be called the “radical center” has been in American history. Its vision of what it meant to be a true American was always limited to — let’s be honest here — white Americans. I think that part of the reason is that the “radical center” saw itself as besieged by forces beyond its control which, in turn, strengthened a sense of group identity and solidarity. (The sound you hear is my back snapping in two as I bend over backwards to be fair.)Report
@Roberto, I know we keep going back and forth on this one, but I think Lind is partially correct (though overblown) in the idea that there is a big difference between multi-racial reality and multiculturalism. The latter is a strategy as to how to deal with the reality of the former. The first is factual.
The question then is: how to deal with it. And in Lind’s mind, the early Civil Rights movement is a better marker for the later 70s/post 70s multiculturalism model, which has (in his mind) tended to isolate and segregate.
As I said I think he’s overestimating the degree to which multiculturalism is causal (instead of admitting challenges and trying to live with them), but as a political project I agree with him that it’s day has come and gone. Particularly given what is occurring in Arizona. I think the multicultural thing has isolated Hispanics (a possibly questionable category to begin with I would say) and then left the Democrats gun shy to respond to the rather abysmal law. Beyond perfunctory calls as wrong, etc. The Dems look like they want to pass immigration reform so they get another “group” into their coalition of interest groups. Instead of articulating a nation-wide vision and being the political party that will seek to bring that vision to reality.Report
“Centrism then being the ideology of people like Lieberman, Graham, Nelson, Snowe, and Collins.”
This is the political ‘centre?” I thought them all radical statists, commie-dems!Report
@Bob Cheeks,
…there is only one Democrat on that list, Bob, and one increasingly-right-wing former Democrat.Report
@JosephFM, I don’t think you’ll find any comment of mine indicating that neocon/GOPers can’t be “radical statists/commie dems.”
Though in their case, “radical statist” would be the preferred term. However, “commie-dems” covers a great many statist behaviors and inclinations.Report
This deserves more space than my comment is giving it but if there’s a defense of Broderist Centrism, I think I’ve found it in the goals of prime importance in our various ideological camps. I don’t think Jamelle is quite right that it’s an ideology of the status quo. You don’t become a pundit, a journalist, or a politician because you like things the way they are. I don’t see nor do I think there are that many cheerleaders for the status quo, even if the result of centrist politicians is to moderate or limit reforms.
However if we contrast centrism with populism, progressivism and conservatism, I think we see four distinct ideas of what matters in politics. For the progressive a reordering of society along more equitable lines. The prevailing ethos isn’t sentimental at all, it’s forward-looking and creative focused on designing a good society. The conservative is romantic and sentimental, intent upon preserving the good society from dangerous innovations. A preference for authority, tradition, and the preservation of socially powerful institutions.
Then there is populism, which combines the two through a shared exercise of state power, as an expression of collective power. The power to reinforce social norms and traditional social institutions while remaking economic institutions to be more equitable.
Mushy centrism is different. The prize to be achieved here is not the achievement of an ideally ordered society but the maintenance of society itself.
Mushy centrism is an ideology of stability not the status quo. While the other three broad disciplines argue over the course heading, it is the mushy center that aims to keep us from capsizing, from achieving the ideal society at the notable expense of society itself.
At their worst they look like appeasers, men and women without backbone or principle. At their best they look like keepers of the peace, voices of wisdom and vision. Something for everybody centrism isn’t without its faults and goes without intellectual criticism far too long, but there’s something to be said for the ideological/political tradition that prizes stability over a take-no-prisoners-my-way-or-the-highway approach to public engagement and policy.Report
I made this comment (in part) at the Attackerman cross-posting of Jamelle’s piece.
Report
@Michael Drew, good point.Report