The Drone at the Door
Yesterday the international law clinics of NYU and Stanford released an in-depth study of drone strikes in Pakistan, looking at the controversial practice’s legality, efficacy, and how it affects innocent Pakistanis who must live in the ever-present fear that they will become “collateral damage” in the US’s war on terror. For anyone who cares about international law, US foreign policy, or human rights, Living Under Drones is a must-read.
It’s worth noting, however, that calling Living Under Drones (LUD) a “report,” while strictly accurate, is possibly somewhat misleading. The word implies a level of objectivity, an empiricism, that LUD quite consciously rejects. The authors of this document are making an impassioned, thoughtful, rigorous but ultimately political argument. In my eyes, there’s nothing wrong with that; it’s impossible to discuss policy intelligently without inevitably bringing politics into the conversation. But understand that LUD is not the equivalent of a report from the Rand Corporation. (For more on the report’s biases, check Joshua Foust’s latest in The Atlantic.)
For people with a primary interest in civil liberty issues, drones are a problem. Unlike other signature policies of the War on Terror — a proper noun in the Bush era, which ended in name only under Obama — like indefinite detention, torture, extraordinary rendition, or CIA-run black sites throughout Eastern Europe, drones are new. And they’re not new like this post is new or like the next episode of Breaking Bad will be new; they’re new in the way the iPod was new, or the BAR was new. Not to go all Thomas Friedman on you, but it’s a kind of newness that renders old ways of thinking moot.
Yet the way much of the conversation about drones has played out suggests an unstated assumption: if we want them to, the drones will go away. They will not. Their appeal is too great, their technological potential is too vast, and the arguments in their favor too formidable. Reading Daniel Klaidman’s recent book on President Obama’s anti-terror policies, Capture or Kill: The War on Terror and the Soul of the Obama Presidency, you see how the utility of drones for a President is so overwhelming, it’s not unlike a drug.
All the power of the Commander-in-Chief with nearly none of the political blowback; the ability to kill “bad guys” without declaring war, putting American lives (well, most American lives) at risk; and the means to do this all in about as quiet and limited a manner as possible? In a political context that’s less than 10 years removed from Operation Iraqi Freedom — where, as the ongoing response to the Benghazi attack has shown in abundance, the power of Islamophobia, militarism, and fear remains considerable — the reasons Obama has embraced drone technology should be self-evident.
What’s happening right now at the intersection between drones, human rights, international law, and American foreign policy is a story that’s unfurled countless times in human history. It’s of technology acting as a catalyst for societal change, often against the wishes of those living through the transition. This version of the story will not be the one that, despite the odds, has a twist ending. The genie and the bottle, never again the twain shall meet.
Acknowledging that we can’t go home again when it comes to drone warfare is not the same thing as accepting drone warfare as it exists in 2012. The lack of oversight of the program, the lack of transparency as to how the odious “kill list” is composed, the claims of state secret prerogatives to any request for information as to how the Department of Justice decides whether an American citizen can or cannot be targeted — all of this is unacceptable. The very idea that we should be deploying as many drone strikes in Pakistan as we are, regardless of the potential blowback from traumatized and radicalized innocents, this too deserves profound scrutiny.
But if the fight being waged continues to be overly concerned with the tool, the drone, rather than the ideology and strategy that makes drones so enticing, a rigid dichotomy of all or nothing will arise. And those who will be seen as “anti-drone” will lose. And America, international law, human rights, and, potentially, geopolitical stability will be worse for it.
Agreed in full.Report
I don’t think drones change very much in terms of what we could’ve done with conventional aircraft, it’s just that we were designing our aircraft for speed or payload instead of extended loiter. Certainly the pilot puts a lower limit on aircraft size while penallizing payload and endurance, but if you’re will to accept a larger aircraft, almost any drone mission could be done with a pilot and a weapons operator panning a camera platform. They could perform such a mission in anything from a motorized sailplane mounting Maverick missiles to a Cessna, King Air, or Gulfstream.
I’d argue that the innovation that makes drones seem like a game-changer comes from the camera and guided missile system that allows precision targeting and attack from cruising altitudes, essentially aerial sniping with an explosive warhead, and the aircraft and tactics that were optimized for this role, not whether the pilot sits in the cockpit or on the ground. I’d also venture that the legal and ethical problems arose because we’re using drones for missions where we wouldn’t justify risking a flight crew, even though we could. Perhaps the technology lowered the ethical bar for the decision makers (it removed the risk of pilots killed or captured, especially while violating sovereign airspace), but I don’t think it changed much for the trigger pullers.
If we had unkillable, uncapturable super-snipers (perhaps robots) armed with recoilless rifles or guided anti-tank missiles, the same problems would exist.Report
Yes, this is the quibble I have with ‘the ability to kill “bad guys” without declaring war, putting American lives (well, most American lives) at risk;’.
This precise power has been around since (and used since) Clinton – the TLAM strikes on Sudan and Afghanistan in the aftermath of the African embassy bombings are, as pointed out on another thread, drones by another name. (and apparently, the Libya strikes conducted by Reagan in the aftermath of Locherbie was supposed to be done by (the first ever real world use of) Tomahawks, but something had gone wrong with the ship that was supposed to launch them right before the operation, so it wound up being an F-14 air strike)Report
Yes, and we lost an F-111 crew in the Libyan strike. Kadaffy toned things down after that, whereas Bin Laden ramped up, which raises the question of whether a drone strike fails to convey the same seriousness of intent, the difference between “We will shoot at you” and “We will send highly trained people to kill you.” Perhaps that’s a subtle distinction, but it still might be important.
And rarely do I see the argument that Clinton essentially set the stage for 9/11 by burning “shocking surprise kamikaze attack carried out by jets flying into buildings” into their brains. From that perspective we’d perhaps be better off not using methods that can be duplicated fairly easily with commodity items, old artillery shells, and access to a bit of aeronautical engineering and video games.Report
We discuss drones as though they are something new, but the basic tech to make a surveillance drone has been around since at least the 80s and with the miniature recording and transmitting devices available today to anyone with a modest budget, any kid who can assemble a radio controlled airplane could make one (adding a payload is more difficult, but not impossible). I say this, in part, because there is no reason to believe that a terrorist would never have used that sort of device against us regardless of whether or not we used it first.
And, yes, if we had ‘battledroids’ someone (almost certainly someone who had never served in combat) would complain that they were immoral.Report
America’s version of suicide bombers.Report
We’ll be /much/ happier with drones once they’re properly under Skynet’s exclusive supervision.Report
As long as Skynet is a (D).Report
I think it’s clear Skynet is an (L) – ultra-rational, non-religious, no compassion for human suffering 😉
(Doorbell Rings)
“Land Dron…I mean, Candygram!”Report
More of an ISTP.Report
Oddly, that is the most apt statement.
The drone discussions always remind me of the Sgt Candy scene from Terminator 3 (which was explored a little further in the novel):
“It is now within our power to make war safe.”
The implication of the line was that we’ve given up on the idea of not having to wage war so we’re now just trying to make it safer/more cost effectiveReport
Awesome piece, Elias.Report
Drones make me think that Jean Baudrillard is a genius.
Constant war without ever actually fighting a war.
Plus, everyone who’s ever flown a Stuka in Battlefield 1942 is sufficiently trained to fight a war.Report
I’d find it less troublesome if the drones were blowing up other drones.
When we reach that point, we’ll finally have a better sport than soccer to watch.Report
When we reach that point, drones will no longer be enough.Report
So something like this?:
http://youtu.be/xStvfbIddM0Report
I was thinking more like this:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P2g94xQmtHwReport
What makes you think this isn’t happening or about to?Report
Collateral damage.Report
The existence of collateral damage isn’t an argument against.
Precision targeting of a moving target with a moving platform is far more difficult than lobbing an explosive at and just getting close enough to do to disable it by shredding a wing. So, if drones were shooting at each other, there would likely be more collateral damage.Report
300 cheers for this model proviso, Elias. Respekt.Report