Austrian Utility Theory (long)
To my mind, the Austrian school’s account of utility is (1) true (2) completely different from mainstream economists’, and (3) very interesting.
What follows is my attempt to explain.[1] Be warned: It’s long. You should also perhaps drop your notions about what “Austrian economics” means. This isn’t the TV pundit version; below the fold, you won’t find a single fully developed argument in favor of the free market. Nothing about business cycles or interest rates, either.
Let’s start with neoclassical utility. For neoclassical economists, utility is the amount of satisfaction taken by a consumer in the act of consuming. The process has three parts: Desire motivates action, and happiness is the result. Alfred Marshall was among the first to make an important simplifying assumption, namely:
[T]hat the monetary measure of the intensity of a desire also accounts for the intensity of the pleasure resulting from its fulfillment…. [I]n Marshall’s thought, desire and pleasure converged in the same concept: utility.[2]
The utility nexus—desire-action-happiness—can be measured using money as a proxy.
This assumption has allowed a great deal of model-building, generating many interesting and plausible claims about happiness, among other things. Mainstream economics still depicts actors as satisfaction-maximizers whose first resort is to the monetized market. It adds epicycles to explain divergences, and the most interesting research today is often precisely on these epicycles.
Mainstream economists long debated whether utility was cardinal or ordinal . In a cardinal account, we can measure magnitudes of happiness and do everyday arithmetic with them, as well as doing the more complex math that proceeds from things like change over time. A scientifically measurable unit of happiness—a util—might even be found to exist, perhaps in neurotransmitter levels or other measurable brain states, and these we might reliably relate to consumption.[3]
Almost everyone would like utility to be cardinal. Why? Because life would appear to be more tractable that way.
In a cardinal-utility world, utilitarianism would be an exact science: If my copy of Human Action endowed me with 9523 utils, and if burning it left me with an added deficit of 123 utils, and if burning it would give a socialist 9647 utils, then the result would be a one-util improvement in human welfare. Obviously we should proceed, assuming the opportunity costs and externalities were negligible or favorable. Marshall’s simplification was an attempt to deliver something at least a little bit like this result.
Ordinal numbers—of the form “first,” “second,” “third,” and the like—work differently. If utility is ordinal, we can only do comparisons within a ranked set, not any kind of arithmetic. It’s like judging a footrace without a stopwatch. A runner may be first, second, or third. But we can’t say how fast they were. We can’t say how much faster the first-place runner was than the second. We certainly can’t say whether the winner in today’s race was faster than the winner in yesterday’s.[4]
That’s what utility is for Austrians. There’s no such thing as a hedometer, a device to measure utility, and without it we are thrown back on rank order. Each of us judges our own desires in a sort of footrace in our minds. Austrians strongly insist on ordinality, and it seems obvious to me that this is correct.
Ordinality imposes huge limitations. Mainstream economists have grudgingly admitted this, and also that preferences are indeed ordinal, but these admissions raise an uncomfortable question: What then are the models modeling? The formulas of mainstream economics almost always do things that you can only do with cardinal numbers: You simply cannot divide third place by second place and come in at one-point-fifth.
The seemingly cardinal quantities of money don’t help. These quantities, remember, are proxies for utility, given Marshall’s simplifying assumption. But dollars are not constitutive of utility, and they are not indexed to it in any precise way. A poor man may desire a dollar much more than a rich man does, and giving him a dollar may make him happier—simply because the dollar is closer to supplying his own most urgent needs. These needs a rich man has by definition satisfied long ago. In choosing who gets a dollar of charity, there would appear to be no question; we must give it to the poor man.[5]
Then again, perhaps the rich man would perversely be made happier: Suppose him greatly eaten by avarice, and, although he does not need a dollar in any conventional sense, he nonetheless makes much greater sacrifices for it—sacrifices of his morals or his friendships, perhaps, that the poor man would never make. These might indicate that the dollar means more to him. (Note that if our hedometer told us to pay the rich man, we might just say so much the worse for cardinalized hedonic utility: let him suffer his well-deserved unhappiness! I am unsure how the hedometer would register my ambivalence here.)[6]
Dollars have numbers, but those numbers float relative to the utility of other things, driven by factors that are not quantified. The very best one can do is measure the tradeoffs an actor makes, then infer that the actor’s knowledge and values brought him to believe that what he hoped to receive in the trade was of more value to him than what he surrendered.
Of course, it would still be great to link the science of dollars and markets to the science of brains and minds. That’s why cardinality keeps coming back into mainstream economics: not because it’s true, but because it would be nice if it were true, and (more charitably) because we can still generate surprising but testable hypotheses by assuming that it is true. To my mind this isn’t necessarily a bad research program, but it does tend very strongly to persuade the practitioner that Marshall’s assumption is not merely convenient, but actually true.
That’s why the Austrian school gives a much more modest—and therefore in its own way more rigorous—account of utility: Stated simply, an agent will act if he believes that his action will remove a felt unease. As Ludwig von Mises puts it:
A man perfectly content with the state of his affairs would have no incentive to change things. He would have neither wishes nor desires; he would be perfectly happy. He would not act; he would simply live free from care.
But to make a man act, uneasiness and the image of a more satisfactory state alone are not sufficient. A third condition is required: the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness. In the absence of this condition no action is feasible. Man must yield to the inevitable. He must submit to destiny.
These are the general conditions of human action. Man is the being that lives under these conditions.[7]
That sounds vague because it is. It has to be, if it intends to keep within the proper limits of our knowledge. Taken seriously, the Austrian account of utility is a call to a profound, even radical skepticism about economic model-building and forecasting. It also calls into doubt the rational, utility-maximizing economic actor of the neoclassical approach, because feelings and beliefs are incorporated at the very foundation of the Austrian theory of utility.
Following David Hume, Austrians agree that reason is the slave of the passions, and the work of practical reason is to seek out methods of satisfying the uneases that our passions entail. And we may of course settle on unfit means, owing to errors of knowledge. The knowledge problem thus appears at the very foundation of Austrian economics.
The contrast with the mainstream approach is sharp: Mainstream economists often build first-approximation models that assume perfect knowledge, then try to add the imperfections later. The problem is that no one knows what the world would look like if all actors had perfect knowledge. Not even the economist building the model. The best a modeler can do is to assume that his own (imperfect) knowledge constitutes the perfect knowledge that the actors in his model do not yet know. That’s assuming a lot. The actors might really know better. And undoubtedly everyone’s knowledge can improve, often quite radically.
How do we know how strongly we feel “unease” about various prospects? In our speech we may order our feelings however we like, including inconsistently or incoherently. But we order our feelings in our lives by deciding the order in which to act upon them. We cannot do otherwise. Whatever we are doing right now is definitionally the thing that we believe will remove the most unease on net and at the present time.
This isn’t open to argument, by the way: If you believe that you aren’t acting according to your current most-unease-removing course of action, then what you have found is not a flaw in the theory, but a flaw in your self-understanding: If, on reflecting on these matters, you are prompted to adopt a new course of action, then you have gained knowledge about yourself and about which actions are most fit to your purposes. All the theory has done is prompt you to reflect. If you don’t change your actions, then you make an empty claim.
All of our plans aim to remove various things that we feel uneasy about in our lives—things we are dissatisfied with. We are not seeking the things that would make us happier to do, or have, or experience. We all move toward a state of immobile ease, in which there is no need to act at all. Rest is the end of action, in both senses of the word.
Happiness isn’t quite on point. A thirsty man lost in the desert has a first preference of seeking water. My first preference on a Friday night might be to seek a nice cold martini. If I succeed, I may be somewhat happier. He will be somewhat less desperate. But it would be insulting to call him happy. Is there a precise point at which you hold a balance of zero utils? The “removal of unease” paradigm means we don’t have to answer this probably nonsensical question. Both his case and mine can be fit into the paradigm of removing unease, and for the moment no more needs to be said.
A given unease can also be removed in various ways. Some are more fit than others. But fitness is judged by how well the total of felt unease is removed for the individual: Does it remove the intended unease while generating others? If so, are these other uneases relatively more bearable? Or not?
Of course, it may be better to eschew the economic process and conquer the unease directly. Here Buddhism meets theoretical economics, or it could at any rate. Neoclassical economists are embarrassed by Buddhism and other forms of self-denial that don’t promise positive hedonic payoffs. Austrians need not be:
Buddhist: “Happiness is an illusion. To remove worry, remove desire.”
Neoclassical Economist: “It must make you happy to say that.”
Austrian Economist: “Actually, he might be right, depending.”
The Austrian account of utility also handles intransitivity of preference both elegantly and well.
When speakers’ declared preferences are intransitive — that is, when actors say that preference A beats preference B, and preference B beats preference C, and preference C loops around and beats preference A — the problem is not that their preferences actually are intransitive. It’s that to express an intransitive preference is easy, but to act upon it is impossible. One can always express intransitive preferences, just as one can always write intransitive inequalities using mathematical notation. But to act on an intransitive preference would require a time machine and/or some fairly weird assumptions about causality, identity, and multiple universes. Time doesn’t loop in the real world, so expressions of intransitive preference are always merely expressions.
When actors in experimental situations make choices that seem to imply that they hold intransitive preferences, something is often neglected: All actors are necessarily choosing from only one menu at a time, thus they are always—by definition—making choices that are not intransitive at the moment the choices are made. Preferences, however, can and do change over time, even rapidly.
Actions are also not always about preferences for goods; an actor may act just as readily for purposes of signaling. Signaling is also capable of removing a felt unease, albeit of a social or expressive kind, and this type of unease necessarily takes its place somewhere on the hierarchy of things that we worry about and seek to redress. (One might even argue that procrastination, a classic example of intransitive preference over time, is also a form of signaling: Before beginning work, the procrastinator may signal that he is talented enough to afford to procrastinate, in addition to enjoying the actual pleasure of idleness. After beginning work, the procrastinator signals that he is very, very busy, hence deserving praise. Our culture professes to disfavor procrastination, but procrastination is hard to detect, and we all like to say that we’re busy. Signaling wins on the upside and on the down.)
The Austrian theory of utility tidies up a number of other loose ends as well. Acting on the assumption that utils exist, and that our pursuit of them drives economic activity, we might be brought to various absurdities: Is it really true that he who dies with the most utils wins? Is that not a sorry way to live? What do you do with them when you’re dead? Do utils hang about our souls, enriching them in some long-term way? If not, why want them? Can a big util bank compensate for future disutility? How evanescent are utils, and if they are very evanescent, shouldn’t we be ashamed to chase them?
Austrians dismiss these questions as malformed, the product of mistaken premises. Expected utility ex ante is not an expected increase of anything. It is an expected decrease of something—a decrease of our universal, nearly limitless net unease, which may always rise again: The goal of acting man is to deploy his varied resources to remove the unease caused by all sorts of problems, great and small, present and future. Thirst. Hunger. The urge to write. The urge to read. The need for psychological or spiritual fulfillment. The need for transcendence. While the Austrian account of utility is exceedingly modest in some senses, in others it isn’t. It’s a theory of everything human.
Notes
[1] IF YOU ARE AN AUSTRIAN SCHOOL ECONOMIST, please note that I’m self-taught. I’ve read a lot of Mises, Hayek, Rothbard and company, and I’m trying to summarize, with what I trust are a few forgivable extensions of my own. If I’ve screwed up somewhere, I’ll happily revise and give credit where it’s due. I don’t mind being corrected. I welcome it.
[2] Rozenn Martinoia, That Which Is Desired, Which Pleases, and Which Satisfies: Utility According to Alfred Marshall. Journal of the History of Economic Thought 25(3), September 2003.
[3] In our house, we define a util as the amount of utility generated by eating exactly one Reese’s Piece. That this is also the smallest unit of happiness—an idea heretofore unknown to philosophy or economics—is easily demonstrated: No one ever subdivides a Reese’s Piece intending to consume only part of it. They may do so to prove an obscure point in moral philosophy, but this of course brings many utils of its own, obscuring the fractional utility of the consumption as well as calling into doubt that which it attempted to demonstrate. An uncertainty principle may apply.
[4] Note that we can bundle our “second” and “third” preferences, and they may be better considered as a whole than our “first” preference. But this conclusion will not always hold, not in the same way that four plus five will always be greater than six.
[5] There are other reasons why redistribution may not always be utility-maximizing over time. David Schmidtz’s Elements of Justice, ch 27, rightly observes that “large-scale need-based distribution has never been the key to making people in general less needy”; what we find compelling as an act of individual charity may be a poor choice of model for a social order.
[6] New brain scanning technologies and a generous use of survey questionnaires have produced an effort to restore cardinality to the ambitious place it held in Victorian era. Deirdre McCloskey recently attacked this trend from a more-or-less Austrian perspective in, of all places, The New Republic. Whether you agree with her will depend on philosophical commitments beyond the scope of this post.
[7] Human Action, pp 13–14. The idea that man is the being who lives under conditions of unease and constrained choice is, weirdly enough, one of the things that brings me to reject the idea of a personal God. If this is a good definition of a person, then God is clearly excluded.
Excellent post Jason.
Some questions and comments.
“In a cardinal-utility world, utilitarianism would be an exact science: If my copy of Human Action endowed me with 9523 utils, and if burning it left me with an added deficit of 123 utils, and if burning it would give a socialist 9647 utils, then the result would be a one-util improvement in human welfare. Obviously we should proceed, assuming the opportunity costs and externalities were negligible or favorable. Marshall’s simplification was an attempt to deliver something at least a little bit like this result.”
Is there an account of future utility? For instance, the likelihood that certain actions will lead to certain future actions, with an attempt to take the various net utilities of those outcomes into affect as well?
“But to make a man act, uneasiness and the image of a more satisfactory state alone are not sufficient. A third condition is required: the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness. In the absence of this condition no action is feasible. Man must yield to the inevitable. He must submit to destiny.”
This would seem to imply that someone cannot know a course of action is hopeless and yet still pursue it in order to obtain a certain outcome. This seems a very psychological question, regarding the unity of our experience and consciousness. Is there much that delves into that territory to give a thorough psychological account on that front?
“Following David Hume, Austrians agree that reason is the slave of the passions, and the work of practical reason is to seek out methods of satisfying the uneases that our passions entail. And we may of course settle on unfit means, owing to errors of knowledge. The knowledge problem thus appears at the very foundation of Austrian economics.”
I’m curious then, does this account subscribe more or less to Hume’s working definitions of passions and reason, or does it have its own modified definitions of those two things?
“How do we know how strongly we feel “unease” about various prospects? In our speech we may order our feelings however we like, including inconsistently or incoherently. But we order our feelings in our lives by deciding the order in which to act upon them. We cannot do otherwise. Whatever we are doing right now is definitionally the thing that we believe will remove the most unease on net and at the present time.”
What exactly is meant here by “believe?”Report
Is there an account of future utility? For instance, the likelihood that certain actions will lead to certain future actions, with an attempt to take the various net utilities of those outcomes into affect as well?
There would be, but I was trying to simplify. I left out expected chances of failure and the like, but of course if one takes the trouble to consider them, they can and should reorder one’s preferences. The trouble though is always that probability is a judgment based on frequency of past events and their expected likelihood of making future events more or less probable. And that again depends on our knowledge.
This would seem to imply that someone cannot know a course of action is hopeless and yet still pursue it in order to obtain a certain outcome. This seems a very psychological question, regarding the unity of our experience and consciousness. Is there much that delves into that territory to give a thorough psychological account on that front?
In those cases, the outcome sought is not the one that’s hopeless. It’s something else — an attempt to appeal demonstratively for outside aid perhaps, or maybe just a response to the unease that one might feel at dying dishonorably.
One of the first things I started noticing after reading Human Action was the way in which this account of utility and action threw mindstates into a different light. They change all the time, very rapidly, very unpredictably. There is almost no other way to account for who we are and what we do.
I’m curious then, does this account subscribe more or less to Hume’s working definitions of passions and reason, or does it have its own modified definitions of those two things?
For Mises at least, reason is what compares the fitness of various means to the ends for which they are proposed. Ultimate ends are not the province of economic science, but of moral philosophy, and Mises just doesn’t want to do moral philosophy (or psychology, for that matter). I might have wished that he had, on both counts.
What exactly is meant here by “believe?”
Something like the otherwise clunky “manifest revealed preference for,” and bearing in mind that actions speak louder than words.Report
I take believe to mean that we think it will but don’t know for sure, although the not knowing for sure doesn’t have to be a conscious knowledge of not knowing for sure.Report
Whoops — didn’t know that Jason was answering at the same time. Take his answer.Report
Greatly enjoyed this overview (thanks!) and, as an occasional Buddhist, I’ve long felt that neoclassical and main street economics aggressively glosses over the interactions between suffering, desire, and trade. It sounds like the Austrians have their fingers closer to that pulse.
But I did find that the description here of the interaction between unease and action was pretty circular, especially around the topic of intransitivity. If you say that you know that the thing you’re doing right now is the thing that reduces the greatest unease because it’s the thing you’re doing right now, you haven’t really said anything. You could just as well assert that the thing your’e doing right now is the thing that God most wants you to do or the thing that the chemical dice in your head landed on. Unease can only convincingly enter into it if you can measure unease by some mechanism other than in observing what you’re doing, and then demonstrate that you consistently do the thing that reduces the most unease.Report
I would disagree that the account of unease is circular, as follows.
Unease is only one possible antecedent to action defined in the broadest sense. Other things may cause individuals to “act,” including physical forces, reflexes, illness, chemical reactions, and the like. Economics isn’t interested in trying to describe these things, which are best left to other sciences—physics, neurology, pathology, chemistry, whatever. Economics considers those things that are (admittedly, perhaps faute de mieux) classed as choice under constraint, and it holds there must be something impelling the choice, even if we don’t precisely know what it is. Hence the vague term “unease,” as well as my attraction to it.Report
Is there a big demand for part-time Buddhists?Report
Sure, you don’t have to pay them benefits.Report
Plus, have you seen the price of villas in Nirvana?
A timeshare was all I could afford.Report
No, because demand is desire and desire occasionally leads to sufferingReport
Very interesting. Thank you for writing it. A few reactions from where I sit:
For the non-Austrian, happiness is irrelevant. People make choices. Those choices are revealed in buying patterns and other aspects of their lives. There are no maximums or minimums. Time is the one thing money won’t buy. Half of life is doing what you want and the other half is being able to afford that lifestyle. There’s your hedometer, rather like running the top command in Linux, we see all the running tasks with their associated resource costs.
This business about Models is simply not true. I build models. I can tell you for a fact it isn’t true. Model-building works backward from what is to what might explain it. Of course model-building requires tuning the model but we don’t need perfect knowledge. Models, if they’re any good, are predictive. So are theories. I predict all sorts of stupid things people do. I’m integrating the price of gasoline and unemployment statistics to predict the next election: these aren’t under the president’s control and every intelligent person knows it. I’m working from the reality that people are stupid and respond to pain at the pump.
No man is content with his state of affairs. The Buddhists and Christians both teach us we’re constantly hungering and thirsting and desiring and generally going from one need to the next, servicing those needs as we can with the time and resources available. Man doesn’t submit to destiny, he writes his own story, every day, every minute. Not making a choice is also a choice.
But mankind is bedevilled with all sorts of fallacies, chief among them is what the Buddhists call Maya, the sickness of desire which arises from the illusion of the self. Happiness can only be perceived as an afterthought, a summary. Percy Shelley said man is happiest when he’s least aware of himself.
The Util isn’t quantifiable. People make dumb choices. They lie, both to themselves and to others. They act against their own best interests. They don’t understand cause and effect but advertisers do. People who eat too many Reese’s Pieces will find themselves regretting it later. The Reese’s Piece is not a Utility Photon. It’s both a particle and a wave: I’ll grant you it can’t be effectively subdivided. But the two-slit experiment shows the photon’s a wave and so’s that Util.Report
Quibble about modeling:
Modeling is a specific discipline in mathematics. What you do, Blaise, is a subset of modeling, actually. Not all models are built to be predictive … many of them are built to be either explanatory or descriptive, but not predictive in the classical sense because you’re modeling an open system, so you’re not going to get much in the way of predictive capabilities.
In addition, some models are built from a theoretical framework, not from empirical data. You try to posit the theory that might explain a data set, build a model based upon the assumptions in the theory, and run that baby and compare to empirical data.Report
Yes and no. The problem I’m addressing is this:
This assumption has allowed a great deal of model-building, generating many interesting and plausible claims about happiness, among other things. Mainstream economics still depicts actors as satisfaction-maximizers whose first resort is to the monetized market. It adds epicycles to explain divergences, and the most interesting research today is often precisely on these epicycles.
… and that’s not true. People think they’re buying happiness. They’re buying Stuff. An advertiser isn’t going to extol the virtues of his product on any meaningful, real world basis. He’s going to sell a lifestyle choice. The old Madison Avenue maxim: sell sizzle, not steak. There’s a guy I know, a food photographer. He paints the food. Yeah. Paints it. To make it desirable, he makes it inedible.
Epicycles my ass. You can never overestimate the power of stupidity: it’s more powerful than Gravity, it’s Entropy made real in our lives. The Austrians don’t understand models and therefore complain about them.
Here’s the No part. I question this business about theoretical frameworks: if I confine myself to abstractions, I can trot an arbitrary set of integers through a function to see how it behaves, but all theories are predictive. The Austrians are very big on Praxis and Praxeology. This arises from their insistence on the purposefulness of human behaviour. History and literature give us ample proof mankind has no sense of purpose.
Since the time of Plato and Pythagoras, man has been trying to justify the world according to his own lights with the net result that we now have some idiotic Mind-Body Distinction treated as an article of faith. And there’s Gautama the Buddha, telling us sensual passions are the first enemy. There’s Jesus Christ, telling us the Kingdom of God lies within us. The only epicycles I see are those who would try to tell us that Happiness can be Quantified.Report
This was more of a point of clarification about modeling in general, not an observation regarding the general (or specific) uses of modeling in the discipline of economics.
There are fairly accurate models regarding base commodity prices, like worldwide wheat prices given production numbers and whatnot. They’re reasonably predictive in a short time frame given a reasonably small number of variables.
There’s also fairly accurate models regarding certain types of luxury goods, given certain types of auction scenarios and participants and whatnot.
The number of limitations that you need to put on each of those models is rather large, to get a decent amount of predictive power. Opening either of those models to systemic influences by other competing models rapidly turns into something of a computational complexity that crushes modern computing devices, though.Report
Prediction, as I see it, is modelling how markets behave, how they respond to an arbitrary stimulus, almost like coming to know a person. A model for a fast-trending market like platinum can’t be re-used for wheat futures, say. It’s not really a process of limits, though there are some intrinsic limits — a market which moves to limit down or limit up will stop trading.
Long-term weather forecasting, a very different animal than short-term forecasting. Large-scale phenomena such as El Niño or solar maxima matter to the long-term forecaster. I don’t need much data to work out when the next El Niño will be, I have enough data to say it’s a five year cycle. Global warming seems to be impacting that cycle.
The future can’t be predicted. But reactions can be predicted.Report
Averting an unappetizing reality by providing an impossible and worthless vision of perfection…
That can represent so damn much.Report
Heh.Report
It’s Monday, so apologies if this is difficult to parse.
I generally agree with the idea of framing utility this way, but I think it loses value to assume that all utility is ordinal.
I think there’s something to be said for taking a more nuanced approach. I mean, the classic approach to value of labor (I’m thinking of Locke, here) was very handwavy, because it presupposed that you’re talking about non-scarce value. It’s okay to give the apple-picker ownership of the apples, provided he didn’t take all of the apples and leave none for anybody else.
I realize that value != utility, but I think the problem with “utility”, as a term, is that people *want* to jump to the idea that all utilities are equal (’cause they have to be, because we measure them all with money, and we’re trying to build models, etc…) If we can’t get some sort of predictive power, what’s the point of trying to study this stuff anyway?
I think there’s some predictive power possible in stuff down at the bottom of Maslow’s, when compared to economic transactions that take place down in the bottom of Maslow’s. I think there’s predictive value up at the top of Maslow’s, too… when you’re just looking at the economic transactions that take place up at the top of Maslow’s.
It’s when you’re trying to compare things across the entire spectrum of Maslow’s (because we use money as a proxy, and we want to build models, etc.) that you get wacky results.Report
I generally agree with the idea of framing utility this way, but I think it loses value to assume that all utility is ordinal.
I would say that we are on solid ground when we discuss utility as ordinal. When we construct models using cardinal numbers, including those with money as a proxy and otherwise, we are on much less solid ground.
That’s not a reason to avoid such work. On the contrary, I had quite a few positive things to say about it. But we should recognize that our models here can be wrong for two different types of reasons. First, they can be wrong because models of complex phenomena can always be wrong, cardinal or not. And second, they can be wrong because the model always involves the kind of approximations we wouldn’t dare to make if we actually had cardinal values at hand, which we don’t.
I think there’s something to be said for taking a more nuanced approach. I mean, the classic approach to value of labor (I’m thinking of Locke, here) was very handwavy, because it presupposed that you’re talking about non-scarce value. It’s okay to give the apple-picker ownership of the apples, provided he didn’t take all of the apples and leave none for anybody else.
You’re talking about original appropriation and property rights theory, am I correct? I’d say that’s several steps beyond what I meant to get at in the above. Answering why original appropriation can be just, and when, involves a lot of additional work, and this post was long enough as it was.
If I’m misunderstanding you, and if you mean to talk about Locke and the labor theory of value, then that’s yet another can o’ worms. Locke did not have a clear idea of the market value of goods, let alone labor, let alone the concept of marginalism. Or the concept of comparative advantage, which would be the start of the solution to his difficulties with original appropriation. There were just too many holes in his economic thought.
I think there’s some predictive power possible in stuff down at the bottom of Maslow’s, when compared to economic transactions that take place down in the bottom of Maslow’s. I think there’s predictive value up at the top of Maslow’s, too… when you’re just looking at the economic transactions that take place up at the top of Maslow’s.
You may very well be right. Perhaps one of the reasons why economic models work at all is because within a given nation, most people want very close to the same menu of goods and in rather close to the same order. As an added benefit, in countries like the United States, there is still quite a large middle class, and they are all chasing some fairly similar goods together.Report
I would say that we are on solid ground when we discuss utility as ordinal. When we construct models using cardinal numbers, including those with money as a proxy and otherwise, we are on much less solid ground.
That’s not a reason to avoid such work.
I agree with this, totally. I think it’s kind of blinking obvious, actually.
The rest of the comment, I’ll see if I can chew whatever thoughts are running around in my brain into something that makes sense.Report
Actually Jason, as a mainstream economist I don’t see a lot to disagree with here. I was taught ordinal utility theory, not cardinal, and as far as I’m aware that’s the norm in the mainstream.
As for unease, well we don’t really bother trying to assign emotions to utility, utility is merely a system for ranking people’s alternatives (based on their knowledge, endowments and preferences) so as to describe what decision they will make. Whether the top-ranked alternative is one that makes the person most happy, or least unhappy or whatever really doesn’t matter. The point is to look at their decision, not the specific emotion behind it.
The two points on which we disagree is Buddhism and intransitivity. For me, the problem with Buddhism is that it looks like a divide-by-zero error. Our desires define us, they make us distinguishable from things without desires, like rocks. A state of sublime desirelessness would be hard to distinguish from a Persistent Vegetative State.
As for your take on intransitivity, while that would explain intransitivity away, it doesn’t really help. A person who’s utility function is that rapidly and predictably unstable still has a major problem with their decision-making apparatus. And ultimately all you’re really doing is trying to define intransitivity out of existence, which doesn’t strike me as reasonable.Report
When I tool Econ 101 in college, cardinal utility was mentioned as something that might be cool if there were any way to measure it. I can still recall the prof’s explanation:
“How are you today?”
“12!”
“You’re lucky, I’m only 7.”Report
And yet I find it remarkable that so much of economic modeling proceeds as if utility were cardinal. Here, just for example. (Yeah, Wikipedia, sorry.) There are a lot of other questions I’d like to answer more fully this afternoon, but I’m just not going to be able to.Report
The article you link to measures everything in money, not in utility (the basis of the various criteria being what would one party be willing to pay the other party to effect or disallow a proposed change.) Money is much simpler than utility: it’s cardinal, it has no odd order-theoretic properties (more is always preferred to less), and, as a simplifying assumption, it’s possible to ignore the points you made about a dollar’s variable utility. If by “cardinal utility” you mean “money”, yeah, it’s everywhere.Report
Mike’s right. Kaldor-Hicks efficiency is explicitly not about utility (see the Criticisms section in the Wikipedia article).Report
I am aware that money is cardinal. I made quite a bit about that in the original post.
Now here’s a question: Why is it that we are trying to find what we call an “optimal” distribution of goods, with values denominated in money? Why, in other words, are we trying to maximally satisfy people’s desires?
There’s a word for that. But I’m afraid it starts with a u.Report
Kaldor-Hicks efficiency is also explicitly not about distribution. It’s purely about what will increase aggregate wealth, as measured by willingness to pay.
Maybe you’re thinking of a case where someone invoked the concept of Kaldor-Hicks efficiency incorrectly? The concept itself is perfectly sound, but I can see how some people might abuse it.Report
I am struggling to understand in what sense Kaldor-Hicks is not about distribution, understood in the broad sense of who ends up being allocated what. I’m not sure I’m following you here.
Also, while I agree that the concept is sound as far as it goes, it’s the move from dollars to utility that is less apparent to me, and in fact seems unsound.Report
Questions of distribution don’t come into play at all when evaluating Kaldor-Hicks efficiency. A change can still be a Kaldor-Hicks efficient even if it makes the rich richer and the poor poorer, provided that the aggregate gain to the rich is more than the aggregate loss to the poor.
That this doesn’t account for diminishing marginal utility or heterogeneous preferences is an acknowledged shortcoming. The justification for using it anyway, I believe, is that when this approach is used consistently the distributional inequities will tend to cancel each other out—many Kaldor-Hicks improvements with varying distributional effects will likely sum up to a Pareto improvement.
Stringham’s objections are valid, but I think irrelevant in many cases. Kaldor-Hicks analysis works well in many cases, and, significantly, it’s easy to distinguish the cases where it works well from the ones where it’s on shakier ground.Report
Also, it’s not clear what alternative Stringham proposes. What does he have in mind that works better than Kaldor-Hicks analysis?Report
As a bit of a follow up, consider this article as well. There are a lot of assumptions built into Kaldor-Hicks, including stability of desires over time, the coincidence of declared preference with revealed preference in situations that could have taken place but didn’t, and the extension of both of these out effectively to an infinite number of possible worlds.
And we must make a further assumption — that dollars more or less track utility — if we want to use the criterion as a way of doing welfare economics. Yet to assert that this isn’t done seems clearly false to me. Economists do it all the time.
A final word about that article — the bit about permissibility of murder strikes me as a needlessly low blow. Alas typical of some strains of Austrian econ, and partly responsible for its not being taken seriously. The rest of the article seems very compelling to me.Report
I think you’ve hit upon an interesting critique of money. Economists talk about money as if it had the usefulness of ordinality, but in reality it trucks in cardinality because it compares ordinal preferences between individuals. This is to my mind a serious lacuna in Hayek’s epistemology of economics: It just can’t account for how differences in wealth can skew the market’s allocative power. When money is synonymized with utility, the wealthy become utility monsters.
This also poses a thorny dilemma within libertarianism, because it pits its free-marketism against its individualism, and therefore remains a pivotal internecine battleground for Austrians.Report
I’ve been here for a while, I haven’t figured it out yet.Report
It is a critique of money, but it’s also a critique, and a much more serious one, of anything less than money.
Money allows each of us to make contingent, individualized claims that are testable through action. We may claim—and better still we may show through our actions—that we prefer one bundle of dollar-denominated goods over another by at least a certain amount.
Here’s what I mean: In the abstract, I like the prospect of having a TV. Also in the abstract, I dislike the prospect of parting with cash. But if I like the one more than I dislike the other, then the possibility exists for a sale at some price point. Can the market provide it, or not?
Finally we have something that can be worked on, and tested empirically, and even falsified, rather than just whined about. (And also: Rather than just consisting of formal, nonfalsifiable, a priori ground work, as was much of the above.)
Are money calculations of utility perfect? Hell no. Can they be improved? Always. And they are the only kind that can be. The term “pissing contest” applies to just about every other attempt to get at the problem. Money doesn’t measure utility cardinally, but it does allow comparison claims using a universal scale of value, and that’s something pretty important.
Chapter 7 of Human Action, particularly part 1, explains all of this much more rigorously than I could, and in much greater detail. I cannot recommend it highly enough.Report
I don’t think I’ve fully communicated my qualm with money. I agree that money is a nearly-ideal tool to empirically measure the preferences of a single person. But libertarian economists usually conceive of money as much more grand, hailing it as a wondrous tool for measuring preferences between individuals — a “universal scale of value,” in your words. It isn’t.
For example, if I’m willing to pay more for a TV than for a book, then I think you have enough evidence to say I value that TV more than that book. But if I’m willing to pay more for a TV than you are, that’s not enough evidence to say I value the TV more than you, although libertarian economists usually assume so. After all, I may have more disposable funds than you do, in which case our wealth disparity skews the signaling power of the comparison between our personal demand curves.
The standard libertarian response to this is to introduce the labor/leisure tradeoff and conclude that you value leisure more than I do. However, this is only a satisfactory response when everyone in the economy is a wage laborer and there’s no such thing as capital gains or inherited wealth.
—
On a somewhat-unrelated note, I’m still a little skeptical about your main thesis that the Austrian theory of “utils as unease-reducers” is fundamentally different and superior to mainstream economic utility theory. Classical economists often conceived of the world economy as trending toward a state of ease — a general equilibrium. How would you respond to someone who sees the Austrians’ distinction as without much of a difference: that they’re talking about electron holes, and while this may be methodologically more convenient than the conventional model in certain instances, it isn’t necessarily uniformly superior?Report
See my comment below. This isn’t something we’ve overlooked. That the price system weighs the preferences of the rich more heavily than the preferences of the poor isn’t something we’ve overlooked—it is in fact key to the functioning of the economy.
Consider the alternative. If goods and services were allocated purely according to preferences (assuming, for the sake of argument, that this were actually possible), then money would have no value. This amounts to a de facto 100% marginal tax rate on all forms of income. In a one-off game, this produces a welfare-maximizing allocation of goods and services, but in an iterated game it leads to disaster because there’s no incentive to produce anything.Report
It just can’t account for how differences in wealth can skew the market’s allocative power.
Differences in wealth are supposed to skew the market’s allocative power. That’s the entire point. If money didn’t enable you to influence the market’s allocative power, then money would be worthless.Report
Have you read Kurt Lewin’s A Dynamic Theory of Personality? It’s vector-theory is very similar to contemporary findings on goals, motivation, and preference. I suspect it’s relevant.Report
I have not, but I suspect I would find that interesting.Report
It’s a good read. Approach and avoidance are a big part of motivation, desire, goals and goal-seeking, etc., and for that reason, I suspect they play a big role not only in pleasure, happiness, and incentives, but also, as a result, in subjective utility. Lewin’s vectors capture this in a very intuitive way.Report
The problem is that people don’t make the right choices. People’s stupidity has to be managed or else most of the world will be affected by stupid choices. You might ask who I am to make such a judgement. I’m one of the smart people. I don’t hate stupid people– I feel sorry for them. I know they choose because they think that their choices make some kind of sense to them, but they are wrong, so people like myself have to help the stupid people make better choices, or at least prevent them from making stupid choices that are not good for them.Report
> The problem is that people don’t make the right
> choices.
Yep.
> People’s stupidity has to be managed or else most
> of the world will be affected by stupid choices.
Overgeneralizing, but not always untrue.
> You might ask who I am to make such a judgement.
> I’m one of the smart people. I don’t hate stupid
> people– I feel sorry for them. I know they choose
> because they think that their choices make some
> kind of sense to them, but they are wrong, so people
> like myself have to help the stupid people make
> better choices, or at least prevent them from
> making stupid choices that are not good for them.
And… there’s the strawman.Report
Strawman? Who will make the choices, then? It has to be smart people who make the choices. I don’t see any other way to keep stupid people from making choices of which we don’t approve.Report
Just because a problem exists doesn’t mean that there is a suitable solution. I may have said that before, seven or eight thousand times.
You’re confusing, (a) “There is a problem”, with (b) “There is a problem and there is a solution”, and furthermore with, (c) “There is a problem, and there is a solution, and the solution itself doesn’t cause any additional problems that are worse.”
And you’re saying that anyone who thinks (a) must necessarily think (c)… and gee, aren’t those people barking mad? There’s the strawman.
Dude, people make terrible economic decisions. This is not news, and pretending that it isn’t the case is seriously sticking your head in the sand about how people that surround you act on a day to day basis. It shows a fundamental unwillingness to accept the fact that most people are flawed.
This doesn’t necessarily mean that I want to make any decisions for them, let alone some decisions for them or all decisions for them… or that me (or anyone else) making decisions for them will make this problem go away, or not create other problems.
On the other hand, pretending that they’re all rational, self-aware, optimizing self-interested individuals is crazy talk.Report
On the other hand, pretending that they’re all rational, self-aware, optimizing self-interested individuals is crazy talk.
And also the basic idea behind democracy.Report
You mean behind most prominent, influential economic thought and theorems.
Democracy just says that if you’re person (well, a member of the polity), there needs to be a way for you to make it matter (though only a relatively tiny bit) in determining what those with power do. As has been often pointed out, no particular outcomes are guaranteed or even claimed to be made more likely under democracy, and there’s certainly no assumption of the kind you describe that underlays democracy. A pure democrat understands that various craziness, in addition to self-satisfaction and public-mindedness, will be part of the democratic inputs that influence outcomes but that the imperative for individuals to nevertheless have that influence over governance (just because) overrides the prudential concerns that obviously arise from a full embrace of that view, while in our tradition, republican democracy, the assumption is that members of the polity must be guided not by rational utility optimization, but rather by principled public-mindedness nearly alone. (Obviously, that’s fairly tenuous in its own way.)
To my knowledge, no argument for democracy makes a formal assumption that polity members will, in their ultimate behavior be “all rational, self-aware, optimizing [and] self-interested individuals.” Indeed, it’s precisely critics of democracy who point out that those are more realistic assumptions about how individuals will act than are the ones on which arguments for democracy tend to be based, thus making them unpersuasive arguments in practice.Report
…sorry – “a way for you to make it matter (though only a relatively tiny bit) what you want in determining what those with power do…”
…is what I meant for that to say.Report
“On the other hand, pretending that they’re all rational, self-aware, optimizing self-interested individuals is crazy talk.”
Oh my — you took what I said and concluded this is my point. You certainly can’t make any decisions for a while, not until you’ve been examined. I don’t know how you got there, but talking about crazy…uh….seriously. But back to my main point.
What I’m saying is that people make all kinds of choices, and it’s up to the smartest among us to prevent the stupid choices — maybe nudge when that works, then a little shove if needed, then a sledge hammer for the most stubborn and stupidest. We can’t have people making all types of irrational, stupid choices — it would be too chaotic and messy. Besides, those who control the wealth have to control choices as best they can so that the country/economy runs as smoothly as possible. It’s in everyone’s best interest for the elite few to run things, especially the big things. Average, stupid people can have their little freedoms, like marryting a redhead or choosing to wear socks with sandals, but on the big fucking deals, it takes brains and vision, my friend. Maybe you don’t want to make decisions for others, but some of us take our responsibilities seriously.Report
I don’t even know what you’re attempting to say on this thread any more.
Try clearing away snark and sarcasm or veiled meanings.Report
He was Obamaized. This is as good as it gets.Report
Happy to note that I was the first with the correct diagnosis.Report
Stupid is always a matter of perspective. Causality tells us about consequences. We arrive at the conclusion a choice is Dumb or Smart based on outcomes. You might look at the same outcome and come to a different conclusion. Of course, when those outcomes affect more people than they who made those choices — and should those affected people say “there ought to be a law against that sort of behaviours” — we may always rely on someone who wasn’t affected to poke his head in the window to tell those who were affected that they’re just being Statist Swine.Report
Yes, That’s what I’m saying Blaise — some of us have to look at the consequences, and if we don’t like the consequences, then we have to prevent stupid people from making the choices that lead to the consequences. Like healthcare — stupid people can’t make smart healthcare choices, not can they make smart financial choices, nor energy consumption choices, nor hiring choices — stupid business owners can’t be trusted to pay their employees a fair wage. It goes on and on — there is no end to the stupid choices we have to intervene in and correct. Even in other countries we have to intervene and correct the choices of stupid foreigners.Report
Clearly the only possible response to anything is anarchism or fascism. I see no possible ground in between the two.Report
Patrick, I think you are on to something.Report
“Or”? Come the revolution, you’ll take your anarcho-fascism and you’ll like it.Report
Do people have Healthcare Choices when a single illness can drive them into bankruptcy? That’s a choice, too. Do people have Financial Choices when, as you say, owners set wages arbitrarily? That’s not a choice. Energy consumption choices are somewhat limited when the electric company shuts off the power and heat in the middle of winter.
In terms of what we do overseas, I’m not sure we have much say-so. But I gather it’s okay to have children smearing toxic glue onto the soles of shoes with their bare hands or send them into coal mines. We used to do that sort of thing here in the USA.
All this tough talk would be amusing if we hadn’t actually made laws against them on the basis of consequences, very bad consequences. Now I’m sure you walked six miles to school through the icy blizzards of yore, uphill both ways. You’ve never needed a dime’s worth of government assistance. For you, with your head poked in the window to cast aspersions on any such assistance, your problem is simple: you never lived in such a world. These consequences are meaningless to you. They’re complete abstractions.Report
Do people have Financial Choices when, as you say, owners set wages arbitrarily?
Do owners have Financial Choices when employees set wages arbitrarily?Report
“All this tough talk would be amusing if we hadn’t actually made laws against them on the basis of consequences, very bad consequences. Now I’m sure you walked six miles to school through the icy blizzards of yore, uphill both ways. You’ve never needed a dime’s worth of government assistance. For you, with your head poked in the window to cast aspersions on any such assistance, your problem is simple: you never lived in such a world. These consequences are meaningless to you. They’re complete abstractions.”
True dat, mostly. I’m one of smart, fortunate one, so I’ve never cast aspersions. I come with compassion in my heart to help the unfortunate avoid making bad decisions. I only want to help the stupid among us, because if we don’t help them, what will be come of them, and what will become of us if their decisions cause us to suffer too many bowling alleys when clearly the right choice is more art museums? Blaise, I’m all about helping the little people, so your cruel depiction of me as a hater hurts me to my core.Report
one of the smart and fortunateReport
Yes, That’s what I’m saying Blaise — some of us have to look at the consequences, and if we don’t like the consequences, then we have to prevent stupid people from making the choices that lead to the consequences. Like healthcare — stupid people can’t make smart healthcare choices…
Um, is that you, Barack? What did you do with the real MFarmer?Report
I’ve been Obamaized — I even bite my bottom lip when I’m waiting for people to laugh at my cute and cutting quips.Report
There’s a simpler example of intransitivity, and it’s not even uncommon. We’ve all know people for whom the grass is always greener, so that when they have an A, they really, really want a B instead. When they get rid of their A and finally get a B, guess what? They want their A back.Report
True, but I was hoping for some kind of a paper-rock-scissors setup.Report
The problem there is the temporal difference. Changing your mind over time isn’t problematic for ranking preferences. Need at least to 3 to get an instantaneous A > B, B > C, C > A relationship.Report
Ask any optometrist how many people think A is both better and worse than B.Report
Your description of the “relieving unease” model seems problematic.
It would be one thing if you were using it sort of like utility is used. If, by definition, actions are driven by the need to relieve unease, and unease is that which actions are taken to relieve. It’s less of a model and more of a definition of the word “unease”, but there’s nothing per se wrong with that.
But that doesn’t seem to be what you’re doing. You say that “unease” is vague, and it is. But you do distinguish “relieving unease” from “increasing happiness”. And then you imply that people always do the former and never do the latter. That doesn’t seem consistent with the idea that Austrian economics about making fewer assumptions about human nature.
Austrian Economist: “Want some ice cream?”
Me: “Sure”
Austrian Economist: “I’m sorry that your lack of ice cream is making you feel uneasy.”Report
Have you ever seen a two-year-old who wants ice cream?
The Austrians are onto something here, I think. It’s all a question of degree.Report
Damn, no time to read and think about this carefully right now. But my pre-emptive thanks for writing it, and by Thursday afternoon I’ll give it a good read, and I confidently expect being further enlightened about Austrianism.Report
Awesome post Jason, and I mean really awesome!
Haven’t had time to dig through the comments yet, wanted to comment and congratulate as soon as you’d put this up but it was far too deep and too thoughtful to merit a thoughtless comment in response. And here I made a thoughtless comment anyway… sighReport
Off topic, but I am honestly curious: I would expect, given his past statements and integrity, that, given the take over of Cato by moral monsters, Jason will be terminating his ties with said institution. Question – has it happened yet?Report
LarryM thinks I’m a great guy.
He thinks I’m such a great guy, in fact, that surely I must agree with him. I must agree with him even to the point where I would bear a personal and family hardship that he, LarryM, would probably never even consider.
And why? All in support of a throwaway zinger line at the bottom of a comment thread on a blog. That’s just how great a guy LarryM thinks I am.
That’s not quite your everyday ad hominem, but an ad hominem it is.
I welcome your judgment of my actions, LarryM. But my actions aren’t necessarily over.
Hell, to be perfectly honest, my fact finding isn’t even over. If you think I’m going to quit my job and sacrifice my family’s well-being over rumors, innuendo, and the grins that you’d personally get out of it, then you’re out of your goddamn mind.Report
“Hell, to be perfectly honest, my fact finding isn’t even over. If you think I’m going to quit my job and sacrifice my family’s well-being over rumors, innuendo, and the grins that you’d personally get out of it, then you’re out of your goddamn mind.”
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