The Reserve Clause and the Failure of the Free Market
‘”The salaries base ball players want nowadays,” said a prominent manager the other day, “are simply preposterous. It’s an outrage, the prices we have to pay for talent.” This is all very well from the managers’ standpoint. If the players had anything to say on the subject, he would be equally justified in remarking: “I know my salary is a big one, but So-and-So makes big money and can afford to pay it. He only engages me because he wants me. If he couldn’t make money off of me he wouldn’t engage me, and if I could make him pay me a hundred a week more I’d do it.” The relations of managers and player are admirably regulated under the laws of demand and supply. In an era of large returns large expenditures are the just rule. The man whose profits are handsome can afford to pay those who help him earn them handsomely, and he ought to do it. It is the fault of those whom he has to pay if he does not pay enough, and it is as unjust of him to blame his employee for setting a high price upon himself as it would be in the employee to blame him for taking in all the money he could at the gate. When the profits of the business decline, salaries will go down of their own accord. As long as there is enough amusement money afloat to keep the base ball field as full of attractions as it is, good players will be scare and dear. For the sake of all hands we trust they will be scare and dear for many years to come.’ Source: The Sporting Life July 15, 1883
The argument quoted here is commonly heard to this day. It is dead wrong, in both obvious and non-obvious ways. The writer probably was Francis Richter, the editor of The Sporting Life and a major figure in baseball journalism well into the 20th century.
Richter was a fine sports writer. There was a fashion for baseball histories in the 1910s. His History and Records of Baseball from 1914 is the best of the lot. Richter was not, however, competent in economics. This leads to the obvious problem with his analysis. He confuses supply and demand with the idea that a more profitable business pays, or ought to pay, its employees more than a less profitable business. The argument that it does is only indirectly connected with supply and demand, and the argument that it ought to is a moral rather than an economic argument.
This is largely uninteresting: an Econ 101 mistake. My topic here is the more interesting, and controversial, underlying fallacy: that the free market principle of supply and demand can possibly work in a professional team sport.
First a review of the basics. How is price of a widget determined? The supply-and-demand side is simply that higher supply and/or lower demand will lower the price, while lower supply and/or higher demand will raise it. Next we look at each side. On the supply side, if the price of a widget is so low that a widget manufacturer cannot make a profit, some manufacturers will drop out of the business, thereby lowering the supply, until the price rises to a profitable level. Or, if the price of the widget is so high that manufacturers enjoy a windfall, widget production will be increased and the price will come down. On the demand side, if the price is high then some widget users will find an alternative to widgets or simply do without, lowering the demand and therefore the price. If the price is low, then they will buy more, increasing demand and raising the price. These natural adjustments are Adam Smith’s “invisible hand.” This is much over-simplified, of course, but it is an elegant system, and often even works, albeit more messily, in real life.
Now let’s apply this to labor. Suppose you wanted to put a bathroom in your basement, and had the good sense not to try to do the plumbing yourself. How do you choose a plumber? Maybe you know a guy, and go with him, but for our hypothetical let’s suppose you don’t. The important criteria are (1) can he do the job right (as contrasted with the innumerable wrong ways it could be done) and (2) price. So you do your research (ask for recommendations, check Angie’s list, etc.) to compile a list of guys who can do the job right, and then call around for prices. The invisible hand does its magic: if your area is over-supplied with plumbers this will drive their prices down, and some will leave; if under-supplied, their prices will go up until more plumbers are attracted to set up shop. If there is a lot of construction going on, the price for a plumber will go up and you might decide to wait on the basement job. When the construction market tanks, that will be a good time to hire a plumber cheaply.
This doesn’t work in professional team sports. There are two reasons: owner incentives are complicated and inconsistent; and that labor market model using plumbers contains simplifying assumptions that are invalid for professionals sports.
What is the owner of a team trying to accomplish? Roughly speaking, there are two goals: to make money and to win championships. At first glance, these goals complement one another. A winning team will attract more fans, and therefore bring in more revenue, which can be used to hire even better p layers. This is true so far as it goes, but revenue and profit are different things.
Under some circumstances, an owner who cares only about profit and is indifferent to winning can do better fielding a horrible team than a good one. Good players can be sold for cash, bringing immediate revenue. Most leagues have at least partial revenue sharing (e.g. splitting gate receipts between the visiting and the home clubs), ensuring a baseline of revenue no matter how bad the team is. Reduce your expenditures below that baseline, and you have guaranteed profits. This is why in 1915 the Athletics went from perennial powerhouse to perennial cellar dweller. Connie Mack switched business models. Then in 1977 the Athletics did the same thing again, this time with Charlie Finley the culprit. The most egregious example comes from football, where the pre-Carson Palmer Cincinnati Bengals suckered the city into a truly astonishingly bad (or good, depending on your perspective) contract, with the city guaranteeing ticket sales. The ownership at that point responded rationally to the incentives, and maximized profits by not wasting money on such frivolities as fielding a competitive team.
More common is the owner who cares about championships more than profits. For all that baseball has been culturally prominent since before the Civil War, as a business it has always been relatively small time. Thus the potential for the rich owner who regards the team as a hobby. Making money simply isn’t the point. This phenomenon goes as far back as 1884, when St. Louis millionaire Henry Lucas was so eager to own a pennant-winning major league club that, upon finding himself excluded from the existing leagues, he founded and bankrolled a league his own. (OK, that is an oversimplification of the Union Association. There was more going on than just Lucas buying a vanity project. But that was a big part of what happened.)
Owners who can take the team payroll out of their petty cash box is the extreme case. More typical are owners who want both to win and to turn a profit, with varying levels of optimism, caution, and common sense.
Next we come to the simplifying assumption in the plumber scenario. When you are looking for a plumber, the candidates fall into two categories: guys who you are reasonably confident will do the job right, and guys you aren’t confident will do the job right. Within the first category, it isn’t really meaningful to rank which plumber is better. What does that even mean? A more esthetically pleasing pipe joint? Perhaps it would mean a more durable joint, but how would you know, and is this likely to be an issue within the time span you care about? In practice, everyone within the group is pretty much interchangeable, so you make your selection based on other factors such as price and availability.
This is far from the case with athletes. There are, at any given time, thirty major league starting shortstops (to arbitrarily pick a position). No one would consider the best starting shortstop in MLB and the worst to be interchangeable. The best is far more valuable. Baseball has since the Civil War used statistical analysis to measure playing ability. While earlier statistics seem primitive in light of modern sabermetrics, they were persuasive at the time. At any time, there was a very small number of guys who could plausibly claim to be the best shortstop anywhere, and could market their services accordingly. Even a financially sensible owner might see his rival sign the best shortstop, and conclude that he had better go out and get the best second baseman.
Put in terms of supply and demand, the demand always outstrips the supply. A few clubs don’t care about winning, and are content with signing a minimally competent shortstop as cheaply as possible. Most clubs want the best shortstop they can get, and a few of these clubs are willing to spend with wild abandon to accomplish this. On the supply side, plenty of guys are minimally competent, so they can be had cheaply. But the supply of the best shortstops is tiny: as small as one. Thus in an unregulated free market governed only by supply and demand, the price of top talent will always rise. The price of second-tier talent will follow, and third-tier behind that. The only mechanism to halt the constant inflation is club bankruptcy and the entire system collapsing.
Enter the reserve clause, which was destined to be baseball’s chief mechanism for suppressing player salaries. This is the subtext to Richter’s editorial. The reserve system had been instituted after the 1879 season, as the “five-men rule” with each club reserving five players. The discussion in 1883 was its expansion to eleven players.
1879. This is significant. This was the depth of the depression following the Panic of 1873. Professional baseball had been under financial stress since 1875. By 1879 it was in severe decline. The nadir would be 1880, bottoming out at only ten fully professional clubs in the nation. (By way of comparison, in 1877 there had been between forty and fifty.)
If player salaries were regulated by supply and demand, they would have been dropping to new lows in 1879. There was a glut of professional ballplayers desperate to be signed. Things were so bad that many had to resort to honest work instead, not that there was much of that available. Yet at the same time, club salaries kept rising. At a special meeting of the National League held August 9, 1878, “the most important question discussed was the salaries of players for next year. It called forth five hours’ discussion, but was finally dropped, no action being taken.” All that came out of those five hours as that “the league declines to continue business on the same basis as this season, and announces to players that in 1879 the aggregate salaries paid by each club must not exceed the sum which the experience of this year indicated that each club would be likely to earn.” (Source: New York Tribune August 13, 1878) In other words, nothing but vague intentions. All those unemployed ballplayers didn’t result in lower salaries because they weren’t the talent pool the National League was recruiting from. The League hired the best players, at least as a first approximation, and League clubs competed against one another for those players.
The next year some evil genius figured it out: “At the recent meeting of the League it was agreed, for the sake of securing good players at small salaries, that five men in each nine should not be negotiated with by other League teams.” (Source: New York Clipper October 25, 1879)
There are two strategies that have been successfully employed by sports leagues to keep salaries down: a reserve system, and a salary cap. The salary cap is the more intuitive, but it can be difficult to implement. Individual clubs have a strong incentive to cheat: to find some surreptitious way to sweeten the offer to a top player. 19th century attempts at imposing salary caps tended to be dead letters from the start. Salary caps work today in major sports leagues because the dollar amounts are too large to slip under the table. You can’t put ten million dollars in an unmarked envelope and pass it when no one is looking. Any serious attempt at cheating at today’s numbers would amount to a money laundering racket, which could result in unwelcome attention. But under 19th century conditions a salary cap was unenforceable.
The reserve system works because there is no way to cheat surreptitiously. Any cheating will be out in the open. The way it initially worked was that the National League clubs made a gentlemen’s agreement. Each could designate five players they wanted to keep for the following year, and the other clubs agreed not to sign any of those five. This was expanded a few years later to eleven per team. Clubs typically carried around thirteen or fourteen players total, so in reality at eleven men all but the marginal players were reserved.
How is this legal, you ask? Isn’t this a conspiracy in restraint of trade? Of course it is. And while this was before the Sherman Antitrust Act, there was an ample body of common law on the subject. The startling fact is that Organized Baseball is built atop a foundation of unenforceable contracts, extortion, and what in other contexts would be criminal conspiracy. Why this came about and how it was sustained is a topic for another day. In the meantime, you have to just go with it, and not assume that legal norms apply.
They reserve system was durable. It expanded to accommodate the growth of baseball into a hierarchy of leagues, forced to cooperate, however grudgingly. It survived intact for nearly a century. Not until 1975 was it significantly modified, after Major League Baseball in a moment of inattention agreed to collective bargaining and arbitration, without quite thinking it through.
Notice that I wrote that the reserve system was “modified.” The usual narrative is that the reserve system was abolished, bringing on the free agency era. The usual narrative is bollocks. The reserve system remains integral to organized baseball. The modification is that a player’s reserved status is no longer perpetual. In the old version, a player was locked in from the day he signed his first contract to the day he retired. In the modified version he is reserved for a set number of years, after which he becomes a free agent. If, in the old version, the player was a well-paid slave, in the new version he is a well-paid indentured servant.
Organized baseball could not function without the reserve, or something like it. Even as the Yankees and the Dodgers spend like sailors on shore leave, other clubs can build on a core of younger players still under reserve. Yes, you can buy your way into the playoffs, but that is not the only way to get there. This prevents the system from entering into an inflationary death spiral.
So it is that I am reluctantly forced to concede that the owners have a point. The free market, contra Francis Richter, isn’t up to the task.
“Organized baseball could not function without the reserve, or something like it.”
But other sports lack a reserve and manage to function. Unless you consider drafts themselves to be “something like” a reserve. In the NBA and NFL (I don’t know much about the NHL), you sign your rookie contract (with more restrictions set forth by the former league than the latter) and upon completing that, you are a free agent. There are opportunities in the NBA during the rookie deal for the player and club to mutually agree to extend it through a couple different means, but if the player is so inclined, they can become a free agent after three (2nd round pick) or four (1st round pick) years. The NFL system is a little trickier because of the non-guaranteed nature of the contracts and the franchise and transition tag system.Report
The amateur draft is a particularly peculiar institution, but yes: if a player is restricted from offering his services to whomever he chooses, then this is a version of the reserve system.Report
So freely-negotiated contracts are “something like” the reserve system because they bind the player to the team for the duration of the contract? Even annual contracts, which forbid the player from moving during the season whenever he thinks he can get a better deal from another team? You really don’t see a difference between a club having the sole right to a player in perpetuity and a club having the sole right to a player for a time based on arms-length negotiations?Report
@cjcolucci
The issue is that the players have zero say over who their initial team is and imposed limitations on the nature of that contract.
For several years, MLB players go through the arbitration process wherein they make a bid for a salary and an arbiter determines whether their bid or the team’s bid will be their pay for the coming years.Report
Are we still talking about baseball here? This was discussed in the antepenultimate paragraph.Report
This was much better than I expected from a post with the phrase “and the failure of the free market” used unironically in the title.
And despite what some people might assume based on my political orientation, I’m not particularly opposed to the idea of salary caps in baseball, if the league decides to impose them. I don’t watch sports myself, but I gather that sports leagues are different from most other industries, in that much of the customers’ utility comes from seeing competition between evenly matched teams. It’s good for consumers if a firm develops a car or telephone or medication that’s dramatically better than the competitors’, but it’s not at all clear to me that that’s true in baseball.
All that said, I’m not convinced you’re correct. Ticket prices, like everything else, are a function of supply and demand. Technically the local baseball team has a monopoly on baseball tickets, but for all but the most hardcore fans there are many substitutes (other forms of entertainment), so it’s not clear how much monopoly pricing power they have. Also, even monopolists have their pricing constrained by demand.
Anyway, raising ticket prices results in fewer sales. So that puts limits on ticket prices, no matter how high player salary goes. It’s also not clear to me how much higher ticket prices would go even with pure free agency. Owners are presumably charging profit-maximizing prices anyway. Since player salaries are a fixed cost (in the sense that they don’t increase with the number of tickets sold like, say, the cost of hiring cleaning staff and security guards), I don’t think salaries should affect the profit-maximizing ticket cost much, if at all.
All of which is to say, my suspicion is that ticket prices are already about as high as they can go, and the primary financial beneficiaries of any cost savings from salary controls are the owners. This is aside from any additional consumer surplus fans might get from having more balanced teams.
As you’ve probably inferred from the hedged language, I’m not 100% confident in this analysis. I bet there’s economic literature on this topic, or at least something close enough that reasonable inferences could be drawn about baseball.Report
Forgot to add: This has some empirical support in the form of other industries with superstar economics. Movie tickets haven’t gone into an inflationary death spiral. Nor have concert tickets. Music has actually gotten cheaper, though that’s probably because of competition from piracy.Report
Couldn’t find anything on Google Scholar, but the first page of regular Google results is full of economists saying that high ticket prices lead to high player salaries and not the other way around.Report
http://m.jse.sagepub.com/content/2/4/341.short
http://pages.stern.nyu.edu/~wgreene/entertainmentandmedia/Marberger-on-pricing.pdfReport
@brandon-berg
I’m pretty sure you’re right. They sell tickets based on what the market will bear. They used to do tiers (e.g., When the Yankees came to town, tickets were $40 but when the Mets came to town, tickets were $20). And the introduction of dynamic pricing over the last few years shows just how market driven ticket prices are.
But prices are a relatively small drop in the bucket. Broadcast money is what drives things. See: the upcoming jump in the NBA salary cap which is directly related to a new TV deal and the players getting a set percentage of that dough. I believe over the next four years, the cap will go up 70%, which means teams are flush with cash and are going to spend it (in addition to a cap, the NBA has a salary floor).
Don’t blame player salaries on high prices. If you (proverbial you… not you, BB) object to what players make (and, really, what business is it of yours?), then blame yourself and fans for make the leagues multi-billion dollar industries who can pay top talent top rates.Report
I confess to having given the piece a provocative title, what with the “failure of the free market” bit. Inasmuch as this is about market economics (as opposed to baseball history and governance) the point is that there are some areas where the free market simply doesn’t work. I have known people who reject this proposition as ideologically unacceptable.
Ticket prices are largely beside the point. This is why I barely touched on revenue. My argument is that, in a totally free market, player salaries will always outstrip revenue. What this revenue is doesn’t matter. The discussion about the direction of causation of higher salaries and higher ticket prices actually confirms (or at least is consistent with) this.
The argument is that owners, being rational economic actors, set ticket prices as high as the market will bear. OK, stipulating to this, how does this lead to higher player salaries? Higher ticket prices change neither the supply of players nor the demand for it. Were player salaries determined by supply and demand, ticket prices would be irrelevant.
The explanation is that the modern modified reserve/free agency system is a mixed system. The reserve side provides a mechanism to keep salaries down, while the free agency side tends to inflate salaries. The former keeps things from getting entirely out of hand. Where higher revenue comes in is that it moves upward what constitutes “entirely out of hand.”Report
Of course higher ticket prices lead to higher demand for players. Demand is a function of willingness to pay, and willingness to pay is constrained by the difference between revenues minus other expenses and profits the owners require (which may be negative in the case of owners who are willing to sustain losses indefinitely just because they really like owning a baseball team).
The constraint on payroll is that team owners are neither willing nor able to sustain infinite losses. Some aren’t even willing to sustain any losses indefinitely. They all want to hire the best players, but there’s a limit to how much they’re willing to pay to do so.
Now, maybe it turns out that there are enough billionaires willing to sustain huge losses just to own a baseball team that owning a baseball team ceases to become a viable business and just becomes a rich man’s hobby. I don’t really see that as a problem. And even in that case, salaries are still constrained by the fact that they’re only willing to lose so much.
Ultimately, in every bidding war, there comes a time when every participant but the winner says, “Fish it, I’m out,” either because he’s trying to earn a profit, or because he’s just not willing to lose that much. That’s what constrains prices, even if the thing being bid on is the best there is.Report
If subjective value is maintained, yet return on investment and/or profit is removed from exchanges, each individual agent is basically exchanging “at cost” services and products in a free market. IMO when financialization distorts a market it is no longer free. It is a financialized distorted market.Report
Shouldn’t any discussion of market distortions in MLB start with “Ownership is a limited, closed group”? You and I can’t take our billion dollars, make a deal with a stadium, hire coaches and players, and demand that the other teams schedule us in for the next season. No, we have to use a billion dollars to try to buy a membership in the club, subject to approval by the other members. Under those conditions, I’m in favor of giving the players every negotiating advantage that you can think of.
The “don’t have to field a competitive team” is the giveaway. Adopt something like the English Premier League has. Plenty of room for someone to start a team one notch below the top, and every year teams with enough history of not being competitive are demoted and the best of the next league down are promoted.Report
Start with it? No. The phenomenon I discuss, of inflationary player salaries and no free market mechanism to contain them, predates the phenomenon you discuss, of closed leagues. Players were paid under the table since 1860 or so, and openly since 1869. The complaints about outrageous salaries came simultaneously with this. The first closed league, the National League, was founded in 1876. The closed league system is but one of many peculiarities of sports economics.Report
I’m late to this, but just wanted to say this was an unbelievable post. Seriously, one if the best things I’ve read round here in years, if not ever.Report
In John Helyar’s Lords of the Realm Charlie Finley is quoted as advocating making all players free agents. This was at the end of the reserve system as baseball had known it for a century. Since it was Charlie Finley, the advice was roundly ignored by his fellow owners.
As it turned out, the modified reserve system created the worst of both worlds for owners. A limited supply of free agents, which drove salaries sky high, and a reserved bunch of players who were just biding their time until free agency. The truly good ones were, and are, as good as free agents, as clubs fall all over themselves to reward them early in order to avoid losing them to free agency.
Helyar painted the owners as a bunch of egotistical stumblebums, and it’s not hard to agree with him given the post-Messersmith/McNally era of baseball economics.Report
As it turned out, the modified reserve system created the worst of both worlds for owners. A limited supply of free agents, which drove salaries sky high, and a reserved bunch of players who were just biding their time until free agency.
And the reserved players get binding arbitration halfway through their reserved period, so the high free-agent salaries drive their salaries up too.Report
You are the second person to present this argument, though the other (in private communication) ascribed it to Marvin Miller, who feared rather than advocated pure free agency.
If I understand the argument (and I am not at all sure that I do), it is that the clubs collectively have a pool of money available for salaries. In a pure free agency system this money would be spread among the pool of all the players, but under the hybrid system the players still under reserve are removed from the pool of players, taking only a small portion of the pool of money with them. This leaves more money per capita for the players who are free agents, leading to hire salaries which then set the bar higher all around. In a pure free agency system, on the other hand, the money pool would be divided among the entire player pool, therefore spread more thinly and therefore setting the bar lower for everyone.
I don’t buy it. My argument is that under pure free agency, salaries will naturally tend to outstrip club revenue, with wackiness ensuing. The Finley/Miller argument seems to agree. If, after all, the money pool for salaries was constant, or tied only to external factors such as club revenue, then the difference between the two systems would merely be how the money gets divided among the players. The Finley/Miller argument is that the hybrid system accelerates salary inflation. My take is that there might some such effect by making for a higher initial price point, but in the long run this difference would be minor.
My argument is that the hybrid system keeps salary inflation in check by giving clubs a way to opt out. It is possible to construct a competitive team around players under reserve. Case in point: the Houston Astros (no longer a bad joke) have the second highest winning percentage in the AL right now, with the second to lowest payroll in MLB. Since it is possible to win without breaking the bank, it is possible to balance profit and winning. This isn’t to say that calmer heads will prevail in every club, but if a handful of super-rich owners get in a bidding war for aging superstars, this doesn’t force everyone else to do the same.Report
@richard-hershberger I think you’re misreading the Finley position. If the entire labor pool of MLB players were free agents this would tend to depress wages. Probably not as much as in the real world where the labor pool is immensely larger, but depressed they would still be. Thus, you have a probably washed up Melky Cabrera earning 26x the salary of Avisail Garcia, a good, young White Sox. Cabrera, or a more egregious example from recent White Sox rosters, Adam Dunn, can wring crazy pay out of a usually sane Jerry Reinsdorf because the pool of home run hitters has been artificially limited by the reserve system.
I can’t think of a single team sport that’s tried pure free agency, so we may never know how it might work. Does anyone here have an example?
And, why would Marvin Miller not be in favor of salary inflation?Report
“I think you’re misreading the Finley position.”
Entirely possible. Probable, even.
“If the entire labor pool of MLB players were free agents this would tend to depress wages.”
This is the conclusion, but I’m not persuaded about the path to getting there. I agree that the distribution of wages would be different. Money that in the hybrid system goes to the past-his-prime home run hitter would in a pure free agency system go to the up-and-coming slugger. I just don’t think that the total money devoted to salaries would be lower in a pure free agency system.
“I can’t think of a single team sport that’s tried pure free agency, so we may never know how it might work. Does anyone here have an example?”
Sure: baseball. It didn’t work well–at least not for the owners. That’s why they abandoned it.
Most of what interests me in sports history is how and why we got where we are, be it playing rules or governance or what have you. Some of these aspects are very path specific. There are directions the rules could have taken that would have led to a game different from what he have today. Other aspects seem pretty inherent in sports. One of the latter is how player movement and salary works. Pure free agency has never been shown to work. Why this is, and the alternative strategies that have been tried is just the sort of thing that interests me a great deal.Report
“This doesn’t work in professional team sports. There are two reasons: owner incentives are complicated and inconsistent; and that labor market model using plumbers contains simplifying assumptions that are invalid for professionals sports.”
Bull. Complicated incentives and simplifying assumptions are the norm in the real world, not the exception.Report
True, so far as it goes, but the absence of even a hand-wave at actually addressing the argument suggests that it doesn’t go far.Report
For example, Newton’s laws of motion.Report