another thought on empire
has posted a bit of the Conor/Riehl debate Scott hosted in transcript form. One exchange that leaps out:
Tom at the Federalist PaupersFreidersdorf: I would say that there are some other big problems that the country faces. One of them is sort of national security, and staying secure without becoming an either an empire by getting ourselves into so many foreign entanglements that we’re spending money all over the world or else becoming, uh –
Reihl: Why did you use the word “empire”? What do you mean “empire”? What foreign country have we invaded and taken over in the last 50 years, since World War –
Freidersdorf: Iraq and Afghanistan.
Reihl: No. That’s not empire; that’s military intervention. Empire, to me, suggests me you are growing. In other words, Iraq becomes a sister state or a shadow state of America. I don’t see that happening. I don’t see anyone advocating for empire.
I think the problem with defining “Empire” in a more classic sense of the word is that previously – during past empires – there was no such thing as globalization. Even under the British colonial empire globalization was essentially occurring only in those places that British empire (and other European empires) had reached. Essentially even under Rome, the purpose of territorial expansion was the fact that it was a necessary prerequisite to economic expansion.
We can no longer define empire this way. Nor do we need to come up with a new word to describe what has inevitably the same results. America doesn’t necessarily need territorial expansion – indeed, it could very well be a hindrance, and an entirely unnecessary cost – to achieve economic expansion. Sometimes we feel that where vital economic interests are concerned we ought to maybe run a coup or topple a regime and chalk it up to national security. But for the most part our empire is one that has developed along economic lines, underpinned by an extraordinarily effective and expensive military.
In every other sense save perhaps the “conquer and colonize” we are imperial, reaping even more effectively the economic benefits of our expansion than any empire that came before us. America has made of empire an art form.
Update. More of the transcript per Conor’s request in the comments:
Freidersdorf: Well, I agree that what we have now in Iraq and Afghanistan is not an empire. I do think that there are–
Reihl: You said, or you implied it was, it was “we shouldn’t act [imperially.”] That’s what you said, Conor. I’m not making it up.
Freidersdorf: Right. I said a challenge we’re going to face in coming years is staying secure without becoming an empire. I think that there are going to be failed states in the world — you know, Pakistan may be one of them, Iraq may continue to be one, Iran may become one — and we’re going to face a tough line between having to go in, and take out terror cells and terrorist training camps, and on the other hand not putting ourselves in a position where we have permanent military bases all over the world. And at the moment, we have permanent military bases in a lot of places. And while I think that most people in the United States don’t think that we should have permanent military bases in Iraq, if you read the Weekly Standard blog, you will see that there are definitely some very prominent conservatives who think that we should have permanent military bases in the countries that we’ve now invaded.
Reihl: I wouldn’t disagree on that, necessarily–
Freidersdorf: Alright. So…
Reihl: –particularly, I think that it’s a smart idea. I think — I’ll be honest with you — I think the Iraq invasion, or whatever you want to call it, was I think…in essence, what I think the underpinings of the Bush philosophy I think were relatively brilliant and exactly what we needed to do. I’m saying it was implemented correctly or that it cannot be misconstrued as something other than what it is. But to me, just so you understand my way of, where I’m coming from on that, is not to become an imperial power, but for instance, to establish a genuine, not a mock democracy, but a genuine democracy in the heart of the middle east and to have to have Iraqis control their own lives and begin to realize economic growth and social advancement and all the things that the West has enjoyed, I think that’s probably, in other words, seeding democracy in a cesspool part of the world is strategically very smart. We can disagree on that, but I wouldn’t characterize what Bush were trying to do was build empire. I think you could say he was trying to create empire in terms of capitalism, but you know, Saddam Hussein and Iraq (?)is a different issue. So I didn’t have a problem — I don’t have a problem with that concept in terms of the Middle East because we’ve been trying for 40 years to find others ways to do it and I think that having the Iraqi people who are genuinely free and steering their own destiny and able to act as a model of modernization or modernity is a wonderful thing. And we’re still on track for that, and I think that history may show that that was actually a wonderful thing. That doesn’t mean that I want to have an Air Force base in Kuwait for the next 2,000 years, but it might be a good thing for the next 50 years. You know, why we never pulled out of Germany and some of the other areas is better question to me. I’m sorry to let (?) carry some of the water in that. I’m sorry talking too much.
Payne: No, no, not at all. that’s why you’re here to do.
Freidersdorf: So, I guess — well, first, let me say I agree with you that George W. Bush was not trying to start an empire in Iraq and I — there’s, you know, some deabe as to whether he wante to start democracies in the Middle East. And I think he did. I take him at his word that he did.
I’m curious..If we are an empire in some new sense of the word…please define ‘colonies’.Report
“The States”.Report
As in AL, AK, AZ….?Report
CO…Report
This conflict in the Middle East is to “take democracy to the Middle East,” and while we’ve paid a horrific price in blood and treasure for this ideological madness,”you people” have given a Democrat control of this war, and Democrats know how to do wars!Report
Native residents of the Philippines, Puerto Rico and Hawaii as well as Native Americans certainly and correctly would see America as an empire. Guatemala was part of our empire for quite a while in the 20th century since we essentially decided who would rule the country, kept them in power and that our business interests were taken care of.
It seems like a definition of empire includes some control over a foreign countries internal laws, our interests has are enforced over the broad swath of the populations interests, having a say over who rules and how a country is ruled and generally more sway over the running of the country then the population.
Riehl is whiffing on this one. Americans just don’t want to see ourselves as an empire. But this country was built on the land of Native Americans. Westerns are the story of empire.
Also not every empire is purposely built. The brits ended up with India because various business interests went in and then needed military help. It did not start as an invasion to take over the country.Report
I “America has made of empire an art form,” then what’s the problem? I think the reality is very much the opposite – that our imperial projects cost us more than we gain.Report
An art form because we are so blind to its existence. We see in all our actions benevolence…Report
E.D.
Would you mind adding the next couple lines to that transcript so that it includes my view that Iraq and Afghanistan do not make an empire at the moment?Report
Done – added to the update above.Report
I’d say empire in the classic sense is veritably dead, but I don’t see what redefining the term to include fewer requirements accomplishes? It seems that what you’re doing here, and is quite common, is to say
a.) empire is bad and inherently illiberal
b.) America shouldn’t be mucking around poorly and illiberally in other countries ala Iraq and Afghanistan.
c.) Calling America imperial fits with my normative view of American foreign policy and whether or not it’s imperial or not is irrelevant.
d.) To avoid quibbling over how America is or is not an empire, lets just agree to redefine empire to define what we’re doing currently.
I mean, at this point, why not call our rather plebiscitary presidency an elected monarch and refer to America as a kingdom, because the literal king concept doesn’t exist but the autocratic hierarchical structures remain. Whether or not the king is elected or not, is beside the point?
I think my reductio ad absurdum falls apart for the same reason your redefinition does. It focuses on the broad themes of power usage and normative assessment at the expense of crucial details that aren’t as superfluous as they seem.
That isn’t to say your point about contemporary forms of economic control, modern state-private economic interests, and how they intersect with sovereignty aren’t valid concerns and the starting point for a meaty and interesting conversation.
I am saying that I think it detracts from that conversation to bend imperialism to how you want to use it rather than find a more appropriate moniker.Report
I disagree. I think the imperialism exists in the same form, but with different (or perhaps more efficient) methods at its disposal. In other words, my thesis is that globalization has made certain steps unnecessary for the United States – i.e. colonialism – since we can so entirely dominate regions through a combination of military might (not needing to always use that might) and economic leverage.Report
I’m not sure what distinguishes the characteristics you’re citing from previous empires, which as often as not retained strong militaries and economic inducements as well.
This is where I think hegemony is a more useful term because the political behaviour (in an international sense) of weaker/peripheral states in dealing with empires is distinctly different from how such states deal with hegemons.
The fact that other allied and dependent countries can say “no,” without waking up to find the 82nd airborne in their capitol is – quite tellingly – indicative of how American foreign policy isn’t imperial. Also, I’d point out our reliance on bilateral treaties rather than indirect governance.Report
what a pair of foolsReport