Notes Toward a Confucian Politics
As I get older, I find myself, really against my will, struck much more often by how far standards of decorum have fallen into desuetude. My usual evening walk will include at least a few passersby in “wife beater” shirts, roughly my age, intoxicated and dimly angry, sitting outside of the local 7-11, with whom it is wise not to make eye contact. The short-temper, ugly clothes, barked obscenities (ever notice how people generally speak the “f-word” in a voice evoking violence and not sex?), vulgar showboating, misogyny, gay bashing, and ever-present “attitude” becomes wearying and depressing over time and I find myself increasingly on bad terms with the society around me and its race to replace everything valuable and enduring with ever-louder inarticulateness. “It’s all about me” as the tee-shirt says.
The problem is it’s impossible to express such sentiments in a liberal society without the specter of unfreedom looming large. Voice repulsion towards certain cultural artifacts or behaviors and many respond, “Well I don’t believe in censorship.” Or, perhaps, you’ll be reminded that our grandparents were once shocked by Elvis, who now seems banal; a somewhat useless point when you’re expressing offense at rape porn or torture. Or, maybe, you’ll be called a “prig”, “politically correct”, an illiberal aspiring busybody. Polite society dare not raise its voice to impolite society.
Of course, one can defend freedom of expression- and, let’s be clear, the state cannot and should not legislate taste or expression- while still recognizing garbage for garbage. Liberals, and libertarians for that matter, are terrified of seeming “judgmental” because they fear negative judgments might encourage state intrusion into culture. But the opposite is true: since the state has no business making distinctions of taste, we do, and we should embrace our ability to make distinctions of our own. Incidentally, conservatives are also limited in their critique of cultural coarsening, since much of our culture is now produced by corporations and they fear sounding too “anti-business”, which I suspect is why their books often highlight cultural dilapidation, while attributing it to bizarre causes, such as liberal professors assigning too much Heidegger.
The real quandary is caused by the fact that, in liberal democracies, we tend to address problems through collective crusades aimed at laws or political goals. In terms of culture, such crusades are irritating and offensive. And yet, I think there is another path that many of us take, that’s perhaps just as political but much more individual; which is simply to eschew coarseness and conduct ourselves in the way we’d like others to, but without so much as urging them to. The left coined the saying, “the personal is political”, but as I get older, I think I tend much more towards political liberalism and personal conservatism. Because, after all, I have no place to tell others what they can say, think, read, watch, or otherwise expose themselves to; and yet, I recognize that it’s probably better for your psyche to spend your time with poetry than rape porn.
All of which brings us to Confucius (Kongzi), who certainly believed that we improve our societies à la longue by the example we set in our personal life. He had much reason to despair. Recently, in the comments, T. Greer explained:
Confucius lived in a very tumultuous time subject to numerous transformations in the make up of ancient Chinese society. You will remember that the Chinese states of the Chunqiu begin as outposts of the defunct Zhou dynasty’s ruling house. Everybody had a place in this elaborate feudal structure. But by the end of the period (30 years or so after Confucius’ death), the feudal hierarchy had been completely replaced by bureaucratic states not unlike those found in Early Modern Europe (thus the name of the next period – Zhanguo, or “warring states”.)
Kongzi lives in the midst of this great transformation and utterly detests it. In this context his disdain for the Lord of She’s noble peasant makes sense – for Kongzi and the Confucians who followed him, authority came not from the state, but through filial lines. The child willing to turn in his father is not just being a disrespectful child – he is turning the source of moral order itself onto its head.
Thus, as I read it, Kongzi is taking a clear position on one of, if not the, central questions of his day: where should the loyalties of a gentleman lie? Should he dedicate himself to his state, or his family? In replying that true virtue can only be expressed through a lineal framework, Kongzi launches an attack on his fellow aristocrats anxiously implanting themselves in the new order. This also helps make clear Kongzi’s philosophy of politics-as-self. Think about it for a moment- in feudal societies, every action of a prince, duke, or earl is a political action. Absent the state, the distinction between private and political life is a tenuous one. Kongzi says that living an individual life of virtue is political virtue, because he believes that the distinction between the two does not (or should not) exist.
This is very well said. In other words, “the personal is political” for Confucius. His main emphases: filial bonds, personal cultivation, the revival of the Rites, all seem to me to come down to two ideas: 1. Things have declined greatly from a highpoint under the Duke of Zhou (the founder of Chinese feudalism who lived about 500 years before Confucius) , and 2. As individuals, we can only address this cultural and societal decline through our behavior.
Confucian philosophy deals mostly with ethics. But, instead of indicts and edicts, the Analects of Confucius record observations the Master made and his behaviors in hopes we’ll emulate them. In fact, what is known as Book Ten includes several observations about the Master’s behavior, including: “Even when there was plenty of meat, he avoided eating more meat than rice.” One of my favorites, and I’m not being cute here, is X: 12- “He did not sit unless his mat was straight.” What I love about this is that it’s something most of us would be indifferent about, and yet it matters. In fact, it matters enough that we still know this is a significant fact about the Master’s life.
And that’s the point about behavior: we should care. Confucian time, let me suggest, is segmented and divided into finite ritualized events, all of which matter. This, I think, is what’s worst about the indifferent- their behavior stems from a belief that life and how it’s lived matters not a whit.
The master’s behaviors are for us to emulate. Emulation has receded in importance in the West, partly thanks to the Romantic stress on originality, instinct and creativity. But emulation directs much of our behavior and is, for Confucius, a guiding force in human societies. In one passage, the Master is asked why he wants to settle among the uncouth barbarian tribes to the east and responds: “Once a gentleman settles among them, what uncouthness could there be?” He’s dead serious about this. Simply by carrying ourselves in an upright manner, we effect a positive change over the entire community. Even if we are vastly outnumbered by vulgarians, it is worth casting our pearls to the swine. While Confucius clearly sees distinctions of excellence among individuals- the most obvious being between the gentleman and the small man- he believes that the common man can be brought up to the level of the gentleman by example.
Conversely, men cannot be made better through legislation: “Guide them by edicts, keep them in line with punishments, and the common people will stay out of trouble, but will have no sense of shame. Guide them by virtue, keep them in line with the rites, and they will, besides having a sense of shame, reform themselves.” In the end, this is true- you can’t legislate taste or decency. The best you can do is live as you’d like others to live and hope they’ll follow suit. It’s probably a loser’s game, but at least you do less damage this way. And someone’s got to wear a fedora to the market.
Endotes:
1. Provided this post didn’t infect the League either, I’d like to post soon on learning and family bonds in Confucius. Also about Plato’s Sophist and Statesman. And probably return to Buddhism and start on the Old Testament before long. Ah, the work is never done!
Liberals, and libertarians for that matter, are terrified of seeming “judgmental” because they fear negative judgments might encourage state intrusion into culture.
This is a crucial point. See libertarian philosopher Roderick Long’s article about Confucian views on state intrusion.Report
@Louis B., Wow- do I not have much to say about “Austrian ideas” in Confucius! I will say though that the last Analects quote I cited seems to me to be critical for understanding his views on state intrusion.Report
Great post and there’s certainly much to be said in favor of it. I found myself more in agreement as I read along having started off at the beginning in considerable disagreement and it is there that I’d like to object.
Setting aside the obvious stuff like the treatment of women and minorities during the ages of chivalry I’d like to observe that this era of gentility existed really only in the very highest classes of the time. Since only the well to do and well educated tended to preserve records of themselves and their world and since the classes were considerably more separated than they are now our vision of the past is one of geniality, dignity and politeness when I believe that the world was considerably ~more~ coarse then than now. Certainly the 1800’s gentleman was very dignified or the Confucian era scholar. But the peasantry, working class of both societies lived in abject squalor and what little we know of their behavior seems to have matched their environment. We know that rape, murder, theft, rudeness and unbelievable coarseness was completely a matter of course to the vast majority of humans in those eras. The masses, that is to say, are now probably considerably better behaved than the masses then. So perhaps our modern socialite is much less straight laced than a 1770 debutant but a modern ordinary Joe is much much more polite than a street urchin or a peasant from the same time (to say nothing of being much freer).
That one objection aside I do agree with the rest.Report
@North, Oh, yeah- it’s a perennial gripe, and actually, even the aristocracy have improved. At one point, it was quite normal for them to duel at the drop of a hat, for example. The University of Virginia actually had a terrible problem with young gentlemen shooting each other. They finally cracked down after some drunken students killed a professor during a near riot.Report
@Rufus, well yes and that’s another thing. There’s nothing like the threat of ~mortal combat~ to encourage people to be polite and proper.Report
@North, Absolutely. Well I think the important point here is that Confucius has a specific time in the past with a specific culture that he’d like to revive, while I don’t. It’s more that I see the future as unwritten and would like to see certain behaviors flourish in the culture as we move forward, rather than wanting to go back to some idealized past. (Here I think of the old line about conservatism promising us all a better yesterday.) I have worn a fedora for some time, and recently read an article that claims they’re coming back- I can’t take the credit for that, sadly. So, I’d say that fedoras, social calls, and vinyl records are the only things I’d like to bring back (maybe penmanship); but here’s the wonderful thing about the present- we have all of those things right now! The bad things will pass into the dustbin of history and the good will endure. At least, I hope so. But I think it’s a matter of active choice.Report
libertarians for that matter, are terrified of seeming “judgmental”
Then why are they so fond of calling people “statists” and “parasites”?Report
@Mike Schilling, for the same reason that liberals are allowed to make broad, sweeping stereotypes about particular religious groups or conservatives while still, on the whole, being less comfortable making moral pronouncements on lifestyle choices of people in general.Report
@Mike Schilling, Ah, for being too judgmental, I’d guess. It’s a vicious circle.Report
Excellent post. To me, the primary alternative to state intrusion is social condemnation. One of the arguments if favor of liberty from state intrusion is that just the state should not prohibit all that it’s citizenry would discourage. But if something being legal makes it automatically socially acceptable and disapproval of it improper, that makes the argument in favor of legal sanction less uncompelling. Social norms must pick up where we don’t want the law to go.Report
@~trumwill, Yeah, that’s kind of how I see it. Social norms as a way of saying to the state, “No, no, we got it. Don’t worry.”Report
@~trumwill, I think that’s kind of the essence of the Thoreau quote: “That government is best which governs least, because its people discipline themselves.”
I live in Japan, a nation heavily influenced by Confucian ideals. Many a foreigner that slips up, finds himself ostracized. This has usually taken the form in Japanology literature of “Japan is a strange land, and they mistrust foreigners” but I think it’s pretty straight forward given this element of Confucianism.Report
@Christopher Carr, An old insult in China held that, “your parents haven’t taught you to be a human being”. But the assumption was that one has to learn how to be a human being. As I understand it also used to be the case (maybe still is) that strangers were not shy about correcting other people’s kids in public for similar reasons.Report
You know, all people, including yourself and Confucius, do rude, showoffy and dumb things, especially while young. Different people do those things different ways, usually in a deliberately rude way to annoy different sets of people. You might also want to keep in mind that one of rules he was so proud of was considering people like you barbarians.
Aristocracy has a terrible historical record on this earth, and Confucianism` was an an embodiment of aristocracy. So, to me, you’re talking about a bad crowd here. Problems with aristocracy:
o Always seems to have lotsa oppressed serfs or slaves to do the nasty work.
o The little guys are neglected and often enslaved.
o Bad for innovation because pnly the aristocrats are allowed to do anthing real, andin ways that keep their superiors happy and unafraid of themselves.
o The aristocrats always actively keep the little guys down to keep them from revolting.
o There are few freedoms, and none for the majority peasants.
o Little accountability – the top guys are highly corrupt because nobody stops them.
o Usually bad at diplomacy.
The Confederacy was easier for the North to beat because the deep South was an aristocracy of big planters and suffered all those problems. They inflicted horrors on their slaves, and even oppressed po cracker whites to keep them down as well.Report
@Jon, You should probably read the Analects, if you haven’t. It sounds like I didn’t do a great job of conveying what Confucius actually says there.Report