The Polis in Post-Modernity III: Constitutions Written and Oral, Living and Dead
(Note: This post began as a comment to Tim’s post this morning, grew into a full-fledged response, then developed into a sort of continuation of this series. But elements of all three are mingled. You’re warned)
Several months ago, I was drinking my morning coffee and reading a paper on halakhic legal/ethical categories via a comparative study with Constitutional law. I finished reading and had the thought, “It’s not like the Constitution is the Talmud, so, really, what’s the big deal? It’s easy!” I finished my coffee, went to the sink to rinse out my mug and/or pour another cup, and froze with the realization, “The Constitution is exactly like the Talmud! That’s why everything’s so damn complicated!”*
To lay out the metaphor above in a little more detail: if the (idea of the) Constitution-under-glass is analogous to the (idea of the) Written Torah, then the tradition of Constitutional jurisprudence is analogous to the Oral Torah. Because I, like Levinas, am proud of my Pharisaical heritage, there was something about the wording of Tim’s conclusion—the implication that the whole of the Constitution is “the document preserved under glass in Washington”—that I found unsettling. It sounded, that is, like something a Karaite might say. Not that I mean to accuse Tim of being a Karaite! Far be it from me—especially when I imagine he would likely beat me in an argument on Constitutional law. I nodded along to most of his post—my complaints are, rather, about an Originalism that sacralizes the parchment of 1787.
Speaking non-parochially, the problem with the Constitution as merely and only “the document preserved under glass in Washington” is that such a document is, above anything else, a museum exhibit. It is a frozen Constitution—and therefore (and more worryingly) a frozen tradition. We need Constitutional law and Constitutional jurisprudence—both liberal and conservative; progressive and Originalist—for the same reason that the Written Torah requires the Oral:
Only the Oral Tora, alive in the conscience of the contemporary teachers and masters, who can fully evaluate the significance of the confrontation between one word of God and another in a given situation, can resolve the conflict with the creative boldness of application of the comprehensive ethos of the Tora to the case. Thus, the Oral Tora as halacha redeems the Written Tora from the prison of its generality and “humanizes” it. The written law longs for this, its redemption, by the Oral Tora. That is why God rejoices when he is defeated by his children. Such defeat is his victory. [emphasis mine – JLW] (Berkovits 97)
But herein lies the difference—and the significant difference—in the terms of my initial analogy. Jurisprudence and Constitutional law do not deal with confrontations between “one word of God and another,” but between one word of man and another. The Supreme Court et al. do not interpret and apply a text immaculately passed down from Sinai, every comma already in its place. They interpret at text that came from argument, from compromise, that was then written down, that was already attempting to apply certain general, universal Truths (found through Reason, rather than revelation—but when you begin capitalizing such words, where, exactly does one begin and the other end?) to a particular time, place, and situation. The Constitution of 1787, with its various subsequent amendments, is more akin to the Mishna, the earlier segment of the Talmud, than to Written Torah.
We live, then, not merely after the age of the Prophets, but in the age of the Gemara (the latter segment of the Talmud, a commentary on the Mishna), with all the multifarious voices, the rambling, long-winded discussions, arguments that reach no conclusion, and lack of consensus among even those who agree with one another. But we live in the age of Gemara, before its redaction and codification, before political history forced “a spiritual calamity of the first magnitude” (Berkovits 101): the writing of the oral, forcing it into a “straitjacket.” The arguments, in Constitutional law, are still open. This is a marvelous, terrible, dangerous, glorious freedom.** The arguments—the battles over the meaning and nature of the tradition itself—are the “continuities of conflict” which MacIntyre identified as the markers of a tradition’s vitality. I would go further. The arguments are the tradition. They are, indeed, the Constitution itself.
And so both sides are wrong: those who, with Chemerinsky, would declare the arguments closed and settled and proceed to write our own, American, Shulcan Aruch, and mistake the Constitutional tradition for God’s word, commentary for text; and those who would avoid the need for the commentary, confusing the Constitutional text for God’s word, and seal the tradition in a state still too-general, and, eventually, too outdated. But the greatest sin of both is their implied (or perhaps inherent) dismissal of the equivalent to “the classical halachic ‘problem’: That the strict adherence to one law is in conflict with the strict adherence to another obligatory principle.” (Berkovits 91) Neither allows the flexibility required when, due to a particular situation, the Constitution is found to be in contradiction with itself.
In such a case, how does one decide which principle or law holds, and which gives way? Do we dare say that it must always be a certain one? Does that not freeze the Constitution into lifelessness, into something worthy only of a museum exhibit? And, perhaps most importantly, “[W]here does he find the authoritative basis for his decision? … Where, then will he find the answer to this question—in which book, in which code? In no book, in no code. He must make the decision by himself, in his own … conscience.” (Berkovits 91-2) The answer, says Berkovits, will not be purely subjective—but (and here I substitute “Constitution” for “Halakha”), “just because of the subjective element involved in it, it will be a truly Constitutional solution to a genuinely Constitutional problem.”
And so, even though
the “Founding Vision,” whether it was, whatever it was, however noble it may or may not have been, can never be wholly relevant to the American future,
the Constitution(al tradition), mutatis mutandis in Herakleitian inevitability, can be wholly relevant to that American future.
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*Admittedly, when it comes to the Constitution, we don’t have to deal with anything quite so messy as the transmission of authority cited in Pirkei Avot 1 in conflict with what modern textual criticism tells us about the transmission of authority, so it is, in that respect, a bit easier.
**Oh, how I long for it in Jewish law! Instead, I’m left in contradiction, perhaps sometimes even antagonistically, to it, with no clear method of resolution. The only authority I can cite, at times, is my own—but I, in the face of the Law (and here even if my knowledge of it were as it should be, even were I a master of Talmud), have no authority.
———
You have no doubt noticed references to “Berkovits #”. These refer to the essay, “Conversion and the Decline of the Oral Law,” by Rabbi Eliezer Berkovits, as printed in Eliezer Berkovits, Essential Essays on Judaism, Shalem Press, 2002.
Emmanuel Levinas’ defense of the Pharisee and Pharasaical/Rabbinic Judaism can be found throughout Difficult Freedom (particularly whenever he criticizes Simone Weil), but most explicitly in the short essay, “The Pharisee is Absent.”
the Written Torah requires the Oral
I did not study Torah with that woman!Report
No wonder the USA has always had such a love affair with Israel!Report
In particular I contend that a little unpleasantness that killed 2% of the US population from 1861-1865 amended the constitution in a fundamental fashion. The words meant different things before 1861 and after 1865. (Recall it used to be These United States as in the Gettysburg Address, now it is The United States, changing from a plural to the singular is a very serious change). Some of the changes did get incorporated into the 13th 14th and 15th amendments to the constitution.
A civil war of the ferocity of the US can not help but change the country in a serious way, look at the changes wrought by the English Civil War a 2 centuries or so before the US civil war.Report
Incidentally, when I referred to the Constitution “under glass,” I did not necessarily intend all the connotations of immutability that one might draw from it. I also do not deny that words have a life of their own, and the words of our founding documents cannot be interpreted, indeed cannot even be understood even in an ordinary sense, without a context. The words of our founding documents must be construed in light of the proper context. This is basically why originalists are sometimes accused of being just as much “living constitutionalists” as the living constitutionalists are. The difference, I respond, is that while both groups appeal to a context beyond the four corners of the document, for originalists that context is objective, while for living constitutionalists it is not.Report
I suspected as much about your positions (like I said above, I wasn’t trying to accuse you of being a Constitutional Karaite).
As for the objectivity/subjectivity of the appropriate context for interpretation/application, I suspect that what I outlined above would prefer the adjective “particular” — which I suspect some might call just another term for subjective, but what can I do? (Then again, I suspect the living constitutionalism you were critiquing would find a touch too much objectivity in it.)Report
Exc, Mr. Wall. If I may—
There are very many similarities between rabbinical tradition and American constitutional jurisprudence. I’d love to explore the richness of the analogy, but I’ll cut to the chase per combox limitations:
The current crisis re the Constitution and its interpretation, and why it’s not the Torah and its rabbinical descendants [Mishnah, Talmud, etc.] is that the concepts of God, justice and mercy—“what is ‘good'”—are unchanged. “What is good” is timeless, and universal.
By contrast, the contemporary [“living”] Constitutional crisis is that terms like freedom, liberty, rights and duties have been emptied of their original conceptual meaning. Therefore, we are left with only words, hollow shells of the concepts behind them.
To attempt to derive meaning of and in the Constitution therefore becomes sophistry, semantics: a game.
Michael Makovi, who happens to be a blogbrother at my homeblog “American Creation,” does a conscientious piece on
http://michaelmakovi.blogspot.com/2009/05/rabbis-glasner-and-berkovits-on-oral.html
that I found helpful in catching up.
The halachist recognizes the will of God as expressed in the Tora; he is wholly committed to the law and the teaching of the Tora. But in the mutuality of the covenant, the responsibility has fallen to him to take upon himself the risk of determining, in the light of the totality of the Tora as teaching and living, the manner in which the will of the other party to the covenant is to be realized in a specific situation. Ultimately, he has to do that in the independence of his own conscience, which is imbued with the Tora.
This is no different than the [Thomistic? Christian?] natural law tradition, which was embraced fully by the Founding generation. [See Blackstone, Alexander Hamilton, The Farmer Refuted, or James Wilson’s law lectures, attended even by “Old Muttonhead” GWash.]
But we have abandoned natural law in favor of “preference utilitarianism” or any number of content-free schemes and mechanisms, where freedom and liberty become ends in themselves, and the sole end of law and society.
Thus, although the argument is strong from the rabbinical tradition per Makovi that
So Rabbi Glasner holds that certain moral values were taken for granted by the Torah and never expressed as concrete mitzvoth, but that they are nevertheless obligatory.
and
Rabbi Berkovits took this a step further, and said that Hazal actually used moral values and principles as an exegetical tool in deciding halakha.
Those universal moral values and principles—which to the Founders both vitiated liberty but limited it—are quaint anachronisms in the 21st century. When we speak of “liberty” today, and why the Constitution demands this or that “living” interpretation of it, it is a word emptied of all and any meaning it held for the generation that wrote the damn thing.
“Living” constitutionalism is the real Karaitism, me brother, holding us to letter of the law, to the words of a constitution emptied of all the concepts and meanings behind them.Report
“By contrast, the contemporary [“living”] Constitutional crisis is that terms like freedom, liberty, rights and duties have been emptied of their original conceptual meaning. Therefore, we are left with only words, hollow shells of the concepts behind them.”
The giant lacuna in my comparison, I realized while writing it, is that: if the written Constitution is more Mishna than Written Torah, then what, in Constitutional matters, is prior to it? I don’t have a good answer to the question (which is why I didn’t ask it, let alone try to answer it, above). While I agree with you that we can’t say it’s the same as that which was prior to it at the time of its writing — and while I’m also not about to pretend that this is a good thing — the tone of my thinking would be slightly less pessimistic.Report
Mr. Wall, I’m combox status, not mainpage. Your fine essay triggered many thoughts, and not a small bit of my previous research into my favorite topic-nexus, the American Founding and the nature of rights.
“Living” constitutionalism is the real Karaitism, me brother, holding us to letter of the law, to the words of a constitution emptied of all the concepts and meanings behind them.
I think I’m prepared to defend this argument, JL. Thx for spurring its formulation.
then what, in Constitutional matters, is prior to it?
Exactly. I touched on Blackstone, Hamilton, Wilson infra above, and let’s add the D of I, which was declared one of the “organic laws” of the United States in the 1th US Congress. Rights, and “the right to have rights.”
And I completely get your comparison of rabbinic tradition to constitutional theory and jurisprudence. If I didn’t make myself clear, Judaism begins with the existence of an objective truth as to how man should lead his life. The Founding era [and before] agreed, calling it “natural law.”
James Wilson, who signed the Declaration, was one of the biggest mouths at the Framing, gave influential lectures on law and was appointed to the Supreme Court:
“The law of nature and the law of revelation are both Divine: they flow, though in different channels, from the same adorable source. It is indeed preposterous to separate them from each other.”
James Wilson, Of the Law of Nature
The scriptures don’t conflict with reason: Rabbi Dr. Eliezer Berkovits meets Founder Justice James Wilson, I make it, JL. You can get there from here, wherever “here” may be.Report
When you get that “living Constitutionalism”–“Karaitism” bit fleshed out, I’d be interested to see what you have to say on it.Report
I’m nicely charmed by this notion:
It dovetails into something I raised in a different forum not too long ago — in response to the notion that the Constitution was purportedly written in layman’s language for laymen to understand. It was not; it was written by elites, a great many of whom were lawyers, in language that deliberately glossed over profound differences of opinion so as to enable agreement on particular language.
If interpreting and applying that language were easy to do, we would not need a robust judiciary of co-equal power with the President and Congress; nor the tradition of English common law as a foundational guide into how that judiciary should function. We do have both, though, and that is all for the good, characterizations of the judges who play critical roles in advancing that debate as “mandarins” notwithstanding.Report
I freely admit I know nothing about Jewish theology, but it seems to me that the major difference between the Torah and the US Constitution is that the Torah is purportedly a Divine Command from an allegedly omnipotent being, whereas the US Constitution was not intended to be for all time – that’s why it has an amendment process.
You need an abstruse body of scholarship around the Torah because new situations keep coming up that it doesn’t anticipate. By contrast, if a new situation comes up in US law, you can change the damn thing.
That’s not to say interpretation has no place in constitutional law, all laws need to be interpreted because written words don’t speak for themselves. But the solution to obsolescence in the US constitution already exists, there is no need to invent another solution.Report
But there have been, in 230ish years of the American Constitution, only 27 amendments — and 12 of those came in the first 15 years. (The fact that no amendments were passed between then and 1865 might be evidence in support of Lyle’s point, on the Civil War, above.) And I doubt, unless we were faced with a glaring procedural problem, that any amendment could pass at present or the foreseeable future, barring a drastic shift in the nature of our politics.
The changes in the nature of American government, and the practical application of the Constitution, meanwhile, have far outpaced the amendments to it. A federal income tax required an amendment (because of specific text in the Constitution and interpretive court precedent); the New Deal required a court ruling — that is, Constitutional interpretation. An income tax was foreseeable in 1787; the New Deal, less so. But its Constitutionality (or lack thereof) was “in” the text of the Constitution in the same way that the rabbinic tradition is “in” the Torah.* (There is a Midrash: God takes Moses to the classroom of Rabbi Akiva, who is lecturing. Moses cannot follow the discussion; it all sounds alien to him; he’s horrified that his descendants have turned to alien learning. He says, “What is this?” Akiva responds, “It is the Torah that God gave to Moses on Sinai.” And Moses is contented.)
Or, shorter version: I think that the amendment process was already uncommonly effective and that it requires a kind of polity we do not have at present. And sense the tradition of judicial interpretation isn’t wholly new, and dates almost as far back as the Constitution itself…
*Oh, sure, there are plenty who would disagree with me on this from either flank. But let’s not kid ourselves.Report
There is a Midrash: God takes Moses to the classroom of Rabbi Akiva
There is an Asimov story that a time machine brings William Shakespeare to a 20th century college Shakespeare course. He fails it.Report
Do you remember the name? I think I want to read this.Report