Euripides: “Daughters of Troy”, the Spoilers of War
After few wars have the victors entirely resisted the urge to be as vengeful in peacemaking as they were in war-making. There’s more often the desire to settle all accounts and ‘teach them a lesson they’ll never forget’ (or forgive), with the justificatory ‘hope’ that ‘they’ll never try anything like that again’; the irony being that the more punitive the peace terms are, the more likely the losers will be to return to the battlefield as soon as possible, in order to, once again, settle all accounts. Atonement is something that can be given but not taken. If the victors want to foster a lasting peace, it should be among equals, as opposed to the sort of “peace” once keeps with a kicked dog- for a while anyway.
What’s reasonable in war becomes horrible the day after peace breaks out. This is a lesson Athens was in the painful process of learning in 415 BCE when Euripides wrote Daughters of Troy. The harsh terms inflicted by Athens after the war with Persia had alienated the bodies of the newly-formed Peloponnesian League and led to more war, which would eventually bring the republic low. That same year, Athens subjugated Melos (in much the same way that Troy is subjugated in the play), saw her hermai desecrated, and set out on the ill-fated second expedition to Sicily. It was a low point. Understandably then, Euripides questions both victory as such and the semi-mythical victory that founded the Greek city-states.
He’s looking backwards to comment on the present. Because we’re ourselves so removed in time from these Hellenic texts, it can be easy to forget how backward-looking so many of them already were; most of the surviving tragedies are meditations on the Homeric epics, which were themselves meditations on a former “heroic” era. Hellenic culture is remarkably archaizing, as were all “traditional” cultures. For hundreds of years, nearly everything written is a footnote to the Iliad, the portrait of a world in which life is short, harsh, and violent with its one compensation being enduring honor.
The Iliad was the chronicle of a war that doesn’t make a great deal of sense in retrospect and Homer explains it by way of the gods clouding men’s minds; certainly, other writers pointed out the strangeness of men moving from west to east in order to kill one another over an adulteress. Homer accepts the unreason of it, but the Trojan War, whatever the logic of it, illustrates two truths about wars more generally: they usually begin because one nation does something irrational, and they take place within specific cultural contexts that seek to explain them, often by recourse to abstract principles or divinities, and which in turn shape how they run their course. Very rarely do they make sense outside of their cultural context, which often ends with the war. Wars are therefore both cultural and anti-culture.
It’s possible that Homer captures some of this senselessness by depicting the childishness of all the gods save Zeus. Euripides is more ironic and caustic. Picking up the story after the Iliad, the Daughters of Troy depicts the bitter end to an already bitter war. There is not a shred of glory here. There wasn’t much glory in the Iliad either, truth be told, but there was heroism. Tragedy is the flip side of heroism: we’re thrilled by the hero because his heroic acts illuminate the outer limits of human capacity and inspire us to reach for them; the tragic hero, on the other hand, warns us about what happens when we push beyond those limits so that we won’t be tempted to follow.
The Daughters of Troy shows victory as nearly as ugly as war. Our first image of victory might be the couple kissing in Times Square on VJ-Day. It’s much different when your country has been invaded and destroyed. The end of the Trojan War is tragic all the way down: Troy is in ashes, its men dead and its women soon to be enslaved, the reasons for the war are paltry by comparison to its outcome, and the Greek conquerors are obliviously doomed for blasphemies committed during the war.
It’s a play of few actions; instead, the Trojan women are each given speeches, as if competing in the ‘suffering’ portion of a beauty pageant. They each face the fate of being taken far from their home to serve as concubines to their Greek conquerors. Cassandra will leave with Lord Agamemnon to serve his wife Clytemnestra; she is traditionally thought mad by all around her, with the grim irony being that we know she is actually a prophetess. Her good fortune: she knows as well as we do that she’ll be dead before she can serve anyone. Polynexa. meanwhile, will be offered as a sacrifice to Achilles.
Hecuba will lose her children and, even worse, be given to Odysseus, who is the monster of the piece. His heroism in the Odyssey has always been problematic, given that it’s related by his own account and dishonesty is central to his character; but it was balanced out there by his love for Penelope. Here, he’s as devoid of feeling as any seasoned executioner and the self-preserving aspect of his trickster persona is simply ruthless. Euripides seems to be showing us the warriors dropping their masks as the war ends and what lies beneath is much uglier.
The Greeks come off terribly here. Euripides pointedly echoes lines from the Iliad, depicting the heroes in war as cowards in victory- their scorched earth approach, after all, is rooted in the fear that anything that might grow from Trojan soil could one day choke them.
Particularly cruel is the fate of Astynax: the son of the great warrior Hector is thrown down from the walls of Troy so that he won’t threaten the Greeks as an adult. His death seems the most unwarranted of any child slaughtered in Greek tragedy, a field with some stiff competition- unlike Medea’s children who were killed to injure their father, or Iphigenia who was killed to appease a goddess, Astynax is himself the direct object of hate and fear that he’s done nothing to deserve.
There are gradations of suffering though. Andromache’s speech to this effect, intended to soothe her mother, is one of the most rending in Greek tragedy. Her point is simply that Polynexa was the luckier daughter to have been killed before she was old enough to love a man or hope for a happy marriage. Andromache, in comparison, was a faithful wife who has lost her husband and been promised to a house of the enemy who will detest her for her loyalty to him. Stripped of all hope, for her death would be better.
As if to contrast with the faithful wife, Euripides brings out the war’s catalyst to plead her case; Helen gives a long speech defending her amorous betrayal that has destroyed both Troy and Greece. Euripides doesn’t believe a word of it and it’s a bit tedious because his sarcasm prevents us from believing her either. She’s false hearted and callow. There’s something terrifying about Helen in this play, her beauty is amoral and destructive; yet we see quite clearly, in her duplicitous speech, just how the Trojan nation was burnt to a crisp and the Greek nation was deranged by that beauty. Female sexuality is shown as glamorous, yes, but also a force that can easily destroy the fragile balance of civilization. Ultimately, all the Greeks can do is kill her. Menelaus vows to do so, but we know that his promises will come to nothing. The great warrior is powerless over her sexuality; he might rule the roost, but she rules the rooster.
This is the paradox of patriarchy: we modern legalists note the rigid enforcement of moral codes over one half of the society: Helen is to be put to death for cheating on her husband: and the attendant powerlessness of that half in any legal, political, or social sense, and we’re rightly appalled; but note the overinflated psychological power the female is given- the male-centric hierarchy of two civilizations is completely upended simply because a king was cuckolded. Pietro Aretino, the comedian of Renaissance patriarchy, claimed a pretty bottom was more powerful than all the world’s philosophers, necromancers, alchemists and knights. Of course Menelaus is ultimately powerless over Helen: beauty is power- irrational power and civilization exists in futile defiance of the irrational- this is why, Euripides seems to say, no civilization is ever “sustainable”- rationality is alienation of the mind from the body. The irrational will have its day over us all. The repressed will resurface.
Moreover, many of the Greek tragedies seem to suggest that the irrational and violent traits in man, the need to dominate one another, are innate and inescapable, while leading us inexorably to ruin. The Greek warriors behave the same after the war as they did during the war, and thus become horrible. But how do you switch off a war?
Your students are lucky, Rufus. Thx for this.Report
Thanks! My students usually get to hear about the modern wars instead though (anybody catch the Tolstoy reference?)- I’ve not yet taught the Greeks. I was planning to mention here though that I’ll be teaching a seminar on the Enlightenment this fall and will probably have lots of questions for the experts on the subject we have around these parts.Report
Which Enlightenment? See Himmelfarb.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2008/mar/09/politics.society
I’ll add, at least from my sphere of study, the American Founding, that more modern scholars, esp the Straussians, see Locke as ultimately subversive to the natural law tradition, hedonistic, even. This analysis is now going mainstream through respected historians like Mark Noll.
But that’s not how the American Founders understood him, in my view. [See Alexander Hamilton’s “The Farmer Refuted,” which makes him a “natural lawyer” with Grotius.]
The “real” Locke may indeed be subversive if you read him deeply, but the Locke who influenced history was not that Locke. [I think Voltaire and the American Founder James Otis were on to the “real” Locke, but few others.]
So, Himmelfarb bifurcates the French/continental Enlightenments from the Anglo-British one[s]. Indeed, the Scottish Enlightenment [sans Hume’s atheism]—Scottish Common Sense Realism—was pretty friendly to religion and can be traced directly to America through John Witherspoon of the College of New Jersey [later Princeton], teacher of James Madison and a number of other American Founders. I’d say whatever’s left of the Founding philosophy today is this.
“Enlightenment” wasn’t coined until 1910, I read somewhere, so how the people who lived that era perceived themselves is of more interest to me. By the time “The Enlightenment” begins understanding itself, we’re into the 1800s, a whole new set of philosophies, and true modernity.
As for France, what you saw was what you got.
My meta-$0.02, anywayz.Report
I know this is not remotely where you’re post goes (or should go). But after reading it (I have never read Daughters of Troy) my reaction is similar to what it was after reading Wolfe Hall, or even watching The Tudors:
How the hell did people fall for the whole “king is infallible and should always be obeyed no matter what” thing for so many centuries without ousting the bastards?Report
They didn’t have television, they didn’t have radio, and if they wanted to listen to music, they needed live musicians.
War was something to do.Report
What, they couldn’t have just fished all day?Report
I’m sure they did.
That results in more bored people, eventually.Report
They were too busy trying to scrape by to worry about it.Report
I’m no expert on the time, but it seems to me in the plays and epics that the kings were more like the heads of bands of warriors than absolute monarchs- so they’re just like top dog among a group of dogs jostling for authority. The central conflict in the Iliad is about Achilles’s issue with serving a king who’s a lesser warrior, and it’s never really clear why he should. So, I think they were so willing to go fight Troy because, hey the spoils are good and we’re all doing it, so why not? But the authority of the kings seems to always be in question.Report
“But the authority of the kings seems to always be in question.”
That’s an affirming thing to know. I can never figure out why when someone is attending their family and farm and is told the King’s wife chose to be with another man so we have to sail off and quite possibly die at war, the King wasn’t routinely told to bugger off.Report
Heh. Odysseus actually tried to do this — there are stories that involve him feigning madness and destroying his fields (zig-zagging with the plow, using salt as if it were seed, etc.) until someone loyal to Agamemnon/Meneleus set baby Telemachus in his path, and he stopped (thus proving, apparently, his sanity). But he arranges for whoever it was — I forget the name — to be killed, so it’s all okay in the end, right?
This is the fantastic thing about Odysseus — and I think the reason we both relate to him and, like the Greeks, are so intensely skeptical of him at the same time. He’s a man surrounded by figures from the Heroic Age, but he’s almost a man more appropriately from the coming (“present”) age of men. He’s more like us than the others (who may embody aspects of us, but he, in a way, has more of the whole) — so we love him and we keep him at arm’s distance.Report
How the hell did people fall for the whole “king is infallible and should always be obeyed no matter what” thing for so many centuries without ousting the bastards?
The theory of divine right wasn’t always in force.
In pagan Rome, particularly during the later Empire, the emperors were closely identified with the gods. Not so in most later eras. Early-modern absolutism is just very weird, the longer you look at it.
Medieval kings often had far more limited powers. They ruled directly over smaller territories, and with less of a monopoly on authority. Underlings were usually well-armed and often willing to fight against their kings. Towns had their independent privileges and charters that granted them immunity from outside interference, forming the ancestor to today’s “civil” liberties. Likewise with universities and the clergy. In many ways, medieval Europe had more liberty than did the era between the Renaissance and the Enlightenment.Report
It’s interesting how Western society has decided that Odysseyus is the big hero of the Trojan War.
I guess it’s for two reasons:
1) Western society is built on the notion that wisdom beats strength, and Odysseus was the one who came up with the Trojan Horse idea, so of course we see him as an intellectual hero rather than a sniveling wretch too craven to fight up-front like a man.
2) The author made Odysseus the main character of the sequel, although there’s a lot of fanfic about the rest of the people involved (indeed, Virgil wrote a whole series of spinoff fanfics about a minor character!)
In fact, in that second one I find a common misconception (one that, in fact, I held myself.) People think of Odysseus’s quest to return to Penelope as being some kind of romantic thing; he’s got to get home to his wife! That’s probably part of our attraction to the character.
But…the Classic Greeks didn’t think like that. She wasn’t his object of romantic affection; really, she was property, more like a slave than anything else. If there’s romance involved it’s Odysseus and Circe.Report
Yeah, I pretty much detested Odysseus after the Iliad and Odyssey, but most readers seem to come out admiring him. I guess it depends on whether you see him as a trickster or a liar.Report
I think we like Odysseus because he had all the great stories. He won his various battles by guile, he bested monsters, and he got all the babes.
He was the James T. Kirk of the ancient world.Report
But Athena did all the work. It’s interesting- the Romans didn’t seem to like him at all- I think he’s only ever called ‘vengeful Odysseus’ and ‘deceitful Odysseus’ in the Aeneid. Mr. Wall would probably be better suited to settle the debate though. Hopefully he’ll let us know if we should love Odysseus or hate him.Report
Athena, Spock… It’s all the same.Report
See my comment to one of the comments above, that I wrote before seeing this thread of comments… There’s a lot more to be said on the subject, but, my thoughts, in short, are:
A professor of mine insisted that Odysseus is a contemptible character because he’s a deceitful, dishonorable, two-faced liar who sacrifices everyone around him for himself and spends the entire Odyssey talking out of his ass. I might re-phrase some of these characteristics, but I wouldn’t disagree with them — but they’re also precisely why I think that, while he’s not an ‘admirable’ fellow, I’m a fan of Odysseus as a character. He’s deserving of our respect, not of our admiration and only rarely our sympathy.
I like to think that he’s a changed man by the end of the Odyssey, in that he’s been broken by the gods and his own folly — and yes, he wants to get off Calypso’s island because while he’ll live forever, his KLEOS will die still-born and mortality is a small price to pay for an immortal KLEOS, but there is still his reply to her, that, in essence, it’s precisely because she’s immortal that she can’t comprehend why he would prefer Penelope to her. So there’s both going on. He chooses to be human, and mortal, and accepts all the messiness that entails.
And even if we accept DD’s (questionable) description of Penelope as effectively a slave — this isn’t Athens, where women are theoretically confined to the upper-floors and courtyards; Penelope is a public figure who (gasp!) hangs around a bunch of bachelors half her age each evening — I think we can say that Odysseus feels a true obligation as a father toward Telemachus, and even, as a son, toward his own father, with whom he clearly has had a troubled relationship. And toward Eumeus, and the nurse — for being, in essence, more loyal to him than the men under his command were.
Again, he’s perhaps not quite admirable — but how, exactly, are we ever supposed to admire Odysseus when his very name implies that he’s the “hated/hateful one”? So is he a trickster or just a liar? Probably both — how clear is the distinction, in the end? But he tells us a tremendous deal about ourselves, precisely because he’s not capital-H Heroic (or even plain “heroic”), precisely because he tells us things about ourselves we’d rather not look at.Report
Odysseus did not believe in the no-win scenario.Report
Darrh. Calypso, not Circe.Report
The lasting problem with Euripides is his wry use of the Greek language itself. In the original, it’s terribly bitter on the tongue, full of moaning, ohs and ahs and terrible sounds, tears falling into the fresh ink on the page.
These are women penned in like cattle, about to be traded off. Tellingly, Poseidon abandons the city he founded:
I am abandoning Ilium, that famous city, and my altars;
When smoky desolation grips a town,
the worship of the gods slips and loses respectability.
The shrieks and screams of captive women
echo over the banks of the Scamander
as lots are drawn and they are given to their masters.
Arcadia takes some, Thessaly’s people take some as well;
Others are given to the sons of Theseus, the lords of Athens.
Painful to read, painful to translate.Report