Wednesday Writs: War on Christmas Edition
[WW1] It is that time of year when people are allegedly more filled with joy and happiness and charitability than the rest of the year, when families get together, pretty lights shine brightly, and we all fight about what season-specific nicety we use to greet each other. So, it seems fitting that our case of the week highlight a fight in the alleged “war against Christmas.”
Each year, the city of Pawtucket, Rhode Island erects a holiday display featuring Santa Claus and his magical reindeer, oversized red and white candy canes, a Christmas tree, and other traditional symbols of the season, such as… a clown and an elephant? Hanging above the display is a banner wishing passersby “Seasons Greetings”. And intermixed with the display is a traditional nativity scene with Mary, Joseph, the wisemen, angels, and of course, the baby Jesus in his manger. The entire display is located in a non-profit owned park in the town’s shopping district. The nativity décor was purchased in 1973 with City of Pawtucket money, and cost about $1300.
In the early 1980s, the ACLU along with some Pawtucket residents sued the city in US District Court, alleging the inclusion of the nativity in the display violated the Establishment Clause (Claus?). The District Court agreed with them, and permanently enjoined the city from including the nativity in future holiday decorating. The District Court deemed its inclusion an endorsement of religion, specifically an “appearance of official sponsorship” of Christianity in violation of the First Amendment requirement of separation of church and state.
After the First Circuit Court of Appeals sided with the ACLU et al and denied the city’s appeal, Pawtucket filed a petition before the Supreme Court, who granted cert. The opinion in our case of the week, Lynch v. Donnelly, was issued on March 5, 1984. Chief Justice Burger wrote the 5-4 majority opinion, joined by Justices White, Powell, Rehnquist and O’Connor.
Burger set forth examples of religious displays by government entities which he felt analogous to display at issue. He pointed out religious paintings on display at government-run museums and the Ten Commandments display in the very courtroom where this case was heard. While acknowledging the prohibition against government sponsored church, Burger also declines to see separation of church and state as an absolute: “Nor does the Constitution require complete separation of church and state; it affirmatively mandates accommodation, not merely tolerance, of all religions, and forbids hostility toward any.” Burger opines that no institution exists in a vacuum, and some overlap is bound to occur. He found it notable that in the same week that the 1st Congress approved the first amendment, it also approved the hiring of chaplains for both chambers.
Instead, Burger looked to the test set out in the 1971 case of Lemon v. Kurtzman. In Lemon, the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania passed a law allowing that would pay teachers in Catholic schools out of public funds, as long as they taught from publicly funded books and materials. In its decision that the law violated the Establishment Clause, the Court fashioned a test: whether or not the seemingly religious activity also had a secular purpose, does not primarily advance or restrict a particular religion, and does not “result in an excessive entanglement of government and religion.”
Rather than mechanically invalidating all governmental conduct or statutes that confer benefits or give special recognition to religion in general or to one faith — as an absolutist approach would dictate — the Court has scrutinized challenged legislation or official conduct to determine whether, in reality, it establishes a religion or religious faith, or tends to do so.
Burger went on to point out prior cases, in which the Court had struck down laws which mandated religious instruction or activities in schools, but carefully noted that similar activities, if rooted in a historical lesson or scholarly context as part of curriculum, would be permitted. Even if a disputed activity benefitted a particular religion, it would not be prohibited as long as another, secular purpose could be identified. As an example, requiring the posting of the Ten Commandments in every classroom was nothing more than a “religious admonition”, not an academic exercise, and served no secular purpose. (No argument as to any larger societal benefit arising out of the following of the commandments is addressed.)
In analyzing the nativity scene in this context, the District Court determined that its presence in the décor was nothing beyond a religious display and thus had no secular purpose and was impermissible. However, the Burger majority saw it differently. In their view, the District Court made an error by focusing on the crèche itself rather than considering the entire context of the display. Wrote Burger:
When viewed in the proper context of the Christmas Holiday season, it is apparent that, on this record, there is insufficient evidence to establish that the inclusion of the creche is a purposeful or surreptitious effort to express some kind of subtle governmental advocacy of a particular religious message. In a pluralistic society, a variety of motives and purposes are implicated. The city, like the Congresses and Presidents, however, has principally taken note of a significant historical religious event long celebrated in the Western World. The creche in the display depicts the historical origins of this traditional event long recognized as a National Holiday.
Thus, the Court reasons that the public celebration of the Christmas Holiday is a historical observance, not a religious one. Or, at least, that the historical significance of the event offers the secular purpose needed to condone an otherwise state-sponsored expression of religious belief. The Court further reasoned that there was no substantial benefit to the church from the inclusion of the nativity scene. In fact, activities with much clearer benefits to the church- such as public funds for books or transportation for school children to religious schools, or even Sunday closing laws, all of which had been held up by the Court in prior cases. Though this argument is unlikely to satisfy those who believe vehemently in an absolute separation of church from all things state, from a precedential value it seems obvious that a nativity scene in a public park is less beneficial to the church than these things.
As to the third prong of the test:
Entanglement is a question of kind and degree. In this case, however, there is no reason to disturb the District Court’s finding on the absence of administrative entanglement. There is no evidence of contact with church authorities concerning the content or design of the exhibit prior to or since Pawtucket’s purchase of the creche. No expenditures for maintenance of the creche have been necessary; and since the city owns the creche, now valued at $200, the tangible material it contributes is de minimis. In many respects, the display requires far less ongoing, day-to-day interaction between church and state than religious paintings in public galleries.
Justice O’Connor joined fully in the majority opinion, but also penned a separate concurrence to explain the First Amendment analysis she advocates. In O’Connor’s view, a government’s action is a violation of the Establishment Clause if that action would tend to make a person not adhering to a particular religion have less standing or stature in the community:
The Establishment Clause prohibits government from making adherence to a religion relevant in any way to a person’s standing in the political community. Government can run afoul of that prohibition in two principal ways. One is excessive entanglement with religious institutions, which may interfere with the independence of the institutions, give the institutions access to government or governmental powers not fully shared by nonadherents of the religion, and foster the creation of political constituencies defined along religious lines. E.g., Larkin v. Grendel’s Den, Inc., 459 U. S. 116 (1982). The second and more direct infringement is government endorsement or disapproval of religion. Endorsement sends a message to nonadherents that they are outsiders, not full members of the political community, and an accompanying message to adherents that they are insiders, favored members of the political community. Disapproval sends the opposite message.
Justice Brennan dissented, joined by Justices Marshall, Blackmun and Stevens. Brennan also adopted the Lemon test, but reached a different result. He recognized the narrow approach which focused on the context and entirety of the display but which did not consider, for example, a nativity scene set alone, or a cross. Nevertheless, Brennan believed that regardless of the context or larger display, the inclusion of the crèche was unconstitutional. He pointed out that a secular display could have been accomplished without the biblical imagery.
More importantly, the nativity scene, unlike every other element of the Hodgson Park display, reflects a sectarian exclusivity that the avowed purposes of celebrating the holiday season and promoting retail commerce simply do not encompass. To be found constitutional, Pawtucket’s seasonal celebration must at least be nondenominational and not serve to promote religion. The inclusion of a distinctively religious element like the crèche, however, demonstrates that a narrower sectarian purpose lay behind the decision to include a nativity scene. That the creche retained this religious character for the people and municipal government of Pawtucket is suggested by the Mayor’s testimony at trial, in which he stated that, for him as well as others in the city, the effort to eliminate the nativity scene from Pawtucket’s Christmas celebration “is a step towards establishing another religion, non-religion that it may be.”
…
The “primary effect” of including a nativity scene in the city’s display is, as the District Court found, to place the government’s imprimatur of approval on the particular religious beliefs exemplified by the creche. Those who believe in the message of the nativity receive the unique and exclusive benefit of public recognition and approval of their views. For many, the city’s decision to include the creche as part of its extensive and costly efforts to celebrate Christmas can only mean that the prestige of the government has been conferred on the beliefs associated with the creche, thereby providing “a significant symbolic benefit to religion. . . .”
Brennan concludes that there is no way to separate the nativity from the very foundation and core of Christianity (even if it is surrounded by elephants and clowns.)
[WW2] The lawyer who told counsel for Allstate to “eat a bowl of dicks” earns the ire of a federal judge. It’s never a good sign when the least harsh thing a judge says to you is to ask “You did go to law school, right?”
[WW3] A pro se petition accepted by SCOTUS questioning the boundaries of state law jurisdiction over members of the Creek Nation Indian tribe in Oklahoma could lead to the overturning of hundreds of state-court criminal convictions.
[WW4] SCOTUS will not review a ruling by the 9th Circuit striking down an Idaho state law criminalizing the homeless for sleeping in public places.
[WW5] Meanwhile, the Court has accepted a petition by the state of Arizona to permit the retrial of a man on charges of first degree murder, despite him having already been convicted of second degree murder for the same crime. That conviction was overturned, and the state wanted a second bite at the first degree apple- which the Arizona Supreme Court ruled amounted to double jeopardy.
[WW6] A bone marrow transplant can lead to a person becoming a chimera – that is, having two sets of DNA. What are the criminal forensics and legal ramifications?
[WW7] Curtis Flowers, currently awaiting his 7th trial on the same set of murder charges– following 2 mistrials and 4 overturned verdicts, at least once for the deliberate striking of black jurors by the prosecutor- was released from prison on bond pending trial. More background here in a prior edition of Wednesday Writs.
[WW8] Former Pakistani president and dictator Pervez Musharraf has been sentenced to death for high treason after a six year trial. Musharraf is currently in Dubai, seeking treatment for “ill health”.
[WW9] Our dumb criminal of the week: Dickface Johnson, who threatened to “beat every cop’s ass” when they responded to a disturbance at his house. Dickface, aka Florida man Jeffrey Poole, beat no asses, but he did go to jail.
In my view the best way to think about the establishment clause especially if you’re skeptical, is to imagine the establishment or endorsement of a faith that is not your own.Report
Absolutely! Anyone who would object to having their legal disputes considered in a courthouse where the judge sits below a plaque with the five pillars of Islam or to picnicking under a statue of Baphomet on the Oklahoma capitol grounds – they get it, they just may or may not cop to getting it when it comes to whether Christianity should get the same considerations.Report
Did Congress pass a law funding the nativity scenes? If not, then we should be good.
When the establishment clause was passed, several states still had government funded churches, and those weren’t disestablished in some states until after the second great awakening in the early to mid 1800’s. The First Amendment\s provision is more easily read as a guarantee that the federal government won’t intrude on the states by making them all agree on one religion, so that Episcopal states didn’t have to wrestle with Congregationalist states in the halls of Congress. Under that reading, the establishment clause conveys no personal right and thus shouldn’t be incorporated under the 14th Amendment.Report
If the government is using its resources to endorse a specific faith, that’s the threshold for endorsement. George, would you be just fine with an American courtroom having the five pillars of Islam etched on the wall? Report
Sharia courts are common in Europe and Canada, so I guess that’s inevitable here, too.
The historical precedent of the existence of established churches in several of the states, one until the 1830’s, would indicate that as long as the courtroom was a state court and not a federal court, even a sectarian religious display could pass muster.
Some of these establishment issues cropped up again in the late 1800’s with the debates about admitting Utah. Such issues might reappear if the Supreme Court ever gets a Protestant justice to add at least a small bit of diversity to the current religious makeup, which is more reflective of the demographics of Renaissance Rome than the US.Report
You lost me at “Sharia courts are common in Europe and Canada.”Report
Well, it’s a pretty hot topic that sometimes flares up in Ottawa and European capitals, with one side arguing that sharia is incompatible with civil law, others arguing that not recognizing sharia law is government control and censorship of religion, others arguing that only religious bigots are opposed to sharia law, or that sharia is actually just a way of life.
In Britain there’s a push to grant Muslim women the same rights they enjoy in Islamic countries, or that British women enjoy, since in Britain many Muslim women have to go to sharia councils (there are 85 of them) to adjudicate things like divorce.
And of course irate Muslims often protest for the imposition of sharia law to non-Muslims, but they’ll have to increase their numbers for to vote that in.Report
Since the First Amendment only mentions the Federal government:
Can California tax religious property then?
Can Los Angeles obligate parochial schools to offer abortion services to their students?
Just trying to map out the boundaries here.Report
Yeah, this was my argument for why vouchers ought to be able to be used for Catholic Schools. It’s not the government doing the religion thing, it’s the citizen themselves. Indeed, telling them that they cannot use the voucher for Catholic Schools is, in effect, prohibiting the free exercise thereof.
The argument persuaded fewer than I’d have liked.Report
The catch with all these “religious liberty” things is that Christians are moving from the majority to the minority.
So all the things that citizens are allowed to do- like invocations, holiday banners, clubs- will be less and less Christians doing them, and more and more seculars/ Muslims/WhatHaveYou doing them.
So like Christian citizens paying taxes which support Tet festivals, tax vouchers going to Islamic madrassas, children coming home singing songs to the Goddess Gaia.
Because it was never intended to be this way; “Religious liberty” in most forms was intended to allow the Christian majority to use the power of numbers to overpower all other faiths.Report
I don’t know whether to root for the Christians who will be saying “if we couldn’t, then you shouldn’t be able to” or rooting for the non-Christians who point out that celebrating Culture is different from celebrating religion and people shouldn’t be prevented from celebrating their culture.Report
No. Religious liberty was never conceived to help the Christian majority. It developed in a culture that was nearly all Christian, and related to disputes between denominations. And it was never intended for the majority. At all. How would that even work?Report
I mean in the way that the term is being used today.
It is being used to allow the majority to discriminate against the minority.
For example religious bakers to refuse to print messages that offend their faith or religious pharmacists to refuse to fill prescriptions that offend them.Report
Yeah, Steven Crowder had a bit where he visited Muslim bakeries and asked them to make a gay wedding cake and they turned him down.
We need to have a system where people aren’t allowed to do that.Report
What’s funny is, your second sentence is what conservatives say in sarcasm, but liberals say in earnest.Report
California has its own free speech protections:
Not sure about the taxes of religious property, but as far as offering abortion services, it would fail under the above speech law and the fact that slavery is no longer legal, try as you might.Report
Not since the 14th amendment passed.
George’s reading is, um, anachronistic.Report
It’s anachronistic, but is it wrong? Brennan had big problems with the current interpretation, as does Justice Thomas. In Elk Grove v Newdow (2004) Justice Thomas in part II of his concurrence presents an argument against the current view, saying in part:
Indeed, there’s almost no way to reason a path from the text of the Establishment Clause to any of the currently popular penumbras of it. It is far more probably that a protection against “encountering” a different religion wouldn’t even have occurred to any of the Founders, and that if such a protection is desired, it should be made afresh either through legislation or state constitutions.Report
WW7: Dude! Just let it go! If you can not convict the man fairly, then you don’t have a case.Report
Many prosecutors and criminal judges have Inspector Javert tendencies.Report
Seriously, right? What do they think, he was colluding with the Russians?Report
WW2: There was a period there when law schools, in an effort to not close during a drought, relaxed standards allowing students to go there who might not have made the cut a decade prior.
I’m wondering if this is one of the fruits of that particular decision or if this is merely a happy coincidence.Report
Cook was admitted in 2008, so he may well have been admitted during the “drought.” On the other hand, even in more demanding admissions climates, there was no screening for this sort of thing. It didn’t show up in, and wasn’t strongly correlated with, LSATs and GPAs.Report
It occurs to me that I left an unintended ambiguity. He was “admitted” to the bar in 2008 and may have been “admitted” to law school during the drought.Report
Perhaps the judge was merely being funny, of course.Report
WW9 – And Carlos Danger has name jealousy.Report
Lynch v. Donnelly, and specifically Justice Brennan’s dissent, is also remarkable for the first appearance of a concept (a pernicious one, IMO) in Establishment Clause jurisprudence called “ceremonial deism.” Brennan anticipates future litigation (which in fact did subsequently happen) and sets out the limits of his own theory of application of Lemon with this remark:
I call it “pernicious” because it does something to the culture which should be bothersome to both secularists and sectarians. It says that something overtly religious, like a prayer (as in Marsh v. Chambers, 463 U.S. 783, 791-792 (1983)) is not religious at all.
The notion that a prayer — a core act of worship, faith, belief, and interaction with the divine — is so devoid of meaning that it has lost all religious significance whatsoever is, in my estimation, an outright insult to those who do find spiritual value in that exercise.
It is also an insult to the intelligence of those who do not share that faith because it requires them to pretend that their neighbors of faith, who are visibly getting something they value from the exercise, are somehow not doing exactly that they are doing.
That “ceremonial deism” is a lying label is amply demonstrated by the strong religious affiliations of the people and groups which sally forth to invoke it when governmental practices are periodically challenged by the likes of the ACLU, Freedom from Religion Foundation, or similar groups. Justice O’Connor herself wrote that the late addition of a reference to God in the Pledge of Allegiance was ceremonial deism and therefore not a violation of the Establishment Clause, after acknowledging that the Pledge existed in God-free for for nearly a century with nary a peep about it from America’s ministers and priests and pastors. Elk Grove Unified Sch. Dist. v. Newdow, 542 U.S. 1, 36-38 (2004) (O’Connor, J., concurring). Despite the fact that she acknowledges secular challenges to the explicit invocation of God in the Pledge dating back to at least 1968, id at 39, she baldly asserts that
Never mind that a solemn reference to God, imposed by the state upon individuals, which “identif[ies] the United States as a nation subject to divine authority,” id., appears to impermissibly endorse religion over non-religion, which is a violation of the contours of the Establishment Clause as described in Everson v. Board of Education, 330 U.S. 1, 15-16 (1947).
In practice, the Pledge isn’t a survival question for secular Americans seeking to avoid a governmentally-imposed invocation of the supernatural; in West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624 (1943), the Court rather famously held that Jehovah’s Witnesses, whose religious beliefs prohibit doing so, cannot be compelled to recite the Pledge of Allegiance. But it’s worth noting from an intellectual point of view that Barnette was decided on freedom of speech grounds as a “compelled speech” issue. The Witnesses’ rights of freedom from Establishment and of Free Exercise were not the grounds upon which their goal was achieved.
As it stands, the law tells people that certain invocations of religion are devoid of religious significance. This is not just sophistry, it is nonsense upon stilts. And we have Justice William Brennan, of all people in the pantheon of American legal demigods, to thank for introducing this concept to the lexicon of the Supreme Court.Report
Something like ceremonial deism existed since the start of American Republic in one form or another because a good portion of Americans were very religious Protestants. For most of American history, at least a good plurality saw the United States as a Protestant country despite the very clear wording of the Constitution. The Catholic school system started because a lot of Roman Catholic parents correctly saw public schools as basically being Protestant schools in all but name with their KJV Bible readings and school prayer. You can’t really ignore deeply held beliefs in a democracy despite what the law says, so ceremonial deism was created as a sop even though a name wasn’t put to it until recently.Report
Surely, this does not require pretending that a prayer is not an act possessed of religious significance. Nor ought we pretend that the Framers might have articulated high ideals and then failed to live up to them in practice, for they were humans and not demigods.Report
“this does not require pretending that a prayer is not an act possessed of religious significance.”
The argument is that “In God We Trust” is not a prayer, so, this criticism isn’t valid.Report
Sure, a prayer is different from a creed. The Nicene Creed isn’t a prayer either.Report
You’re missing the point of my criticism of ceremonial deism. The point is that it claims things that have religious significance do not. Prayers are the most obvious example of this, but they are not the only ones.
“In God We Trust” isn’t a prayer, it’s a motto. A motto is an expression of a sentiment, a value, an aspiration on the part of the entity (here, the U.S. government) adopting it.
What sentiment, value, or aspiration is expressed by the phrase “In God We Trust”? It inherently indicates that the government there is a God in whom one might trust. It also indicates that God is worthy of trust. It therefore endorses religion over non-religion.
If the motto “In God We Trust” didn’t do those things, then religious people wouldn’t get so upset about the proposal to remove it from our money. It is therefore a motto invested with religious significance.
Now, the prayer used to open sessions of the Nebraska Legislature in Marsh v. Chambers, however, most definitely was actually a prayer. It, too, was dismissed as ceremonial deism. But, the critique is not limited to prayers. The critique is of the notion of ceremonial deism, which goes beyond the realm of a “legal fiction” into the realm of the law intentionally blinding itself to reality.Report
“You’re missing the point of my criticism of ceremonial deism. ”
No, I’m understanding your point just fine, I’m saying it’s directly addressed by the reasoning of the Court and your entire post was redundant.Report
I don’t think its’ so much that the Framers failed to live up to them in practice, they did have Sunday post delivery for decades because of secularism. Its more like that the Framers were a lot less religiosu than the bulk of the American population and that subsequent politicians found it easier to just go along with this higher religisoity because they believed it themselves or because it caused less headaches for them.Report
“I call it “pernicious” because it does something to the culture which should be bothersome to both secularists and sectarians. It says that something overtly religious, like a prayer…is not religious at all.”
If a government building rents a room to a yoga instructor, is that a violation of the establishment clause? Given that yoga has an overtly spiritual dimension to its practice and is far closer to being a “prayer” than vague references to a nondenominational God?Report
Counterpoint: Yoga as often practiced has nothing spiritual about it. It’s exercise; light strength work and stretching. I know many people who yoga and none of them invest anything spiritual in it.
Interestingly it is the very serious about Cultural Appropriation crowd who insist that yoga is always spiritual and if you aren’t doing it that way you are bad. And that white folk doing it is CA.Report
Tangentially related – I knew a fellow in Brazil who had long practiced yoga as a physical / meditative practice, who decided after the death of his father to go to India to really immerse himself in yoga. He selected a school, travelled to India, and on the first day found himself in a quite full room, wondering how they were going to stretch their bodies.
This was his introduction to the yoga of scriptural study rather than bodily stretching.
Rather than quit or go seek a school of yoga of the type he was familiar with, he decided to see his decision through, travelled to the nearest town with good bookstores to acquire the basis of a crash course in Sanskrit, and extended his stay.Report
I suggest that you run through the Lemon test yourself, show your work, and ask if people agree or disagree with your analysis.Report
Seems to me that doing this for yoga would be–how did you put it?–an outright insult to those who do find spiritual value in that exercise.Report
and my point in bringing this up is that if you’re gonna get mad and tell us how “In God We Trust” is a specific religious statement that comes from a specific religious tradition, then there are things even more specific than that which you ought to be getting mad at as well. Native American traditions are more overtly religious than describing the United States as “one nation under god”, are we gonna ban peyote ceremonies on public lands?
…or you can argue that yoga has descended so far from its religious traditions that it’s just Generically Spiritual with some completely flavorless allusions to metaphysics, which, that’s exactly what the Court said about Ceremonial Deism.Report
Or I could argue that your yoga class in a room rented from a government entity is not likely to be something I’m obliged or under official pressure to participate in.
Or I could argue about “In God We Trust,” as I did before, that it is a governmental endorsement of religion over non-religion. It needn’t be from a specific religious tradition to accomplish that purpose.Report
Or, the government can rent out its space to private groups, religious or secular, on neutral terms. This can get tricky. The government could rent out space for a secular family counseling group, but might have to be willing to rent it to a religious family counseling group. Or it could ban certain uses, regardless of whether the sponsoring group is religious or secular. So if I can’t use the space to promote a secular mud-wrestling exhibition, a religious group that uses athletic events as a recruiting device can’t use the space for Mud-Wrestling for Christ (TM) either.Report
As I understand it, that IS the law regarding to whom government entities may rent facilities. I don’t see anything objectionable about the principle of making facilities available to secular and religious patrons alike on equal terms that are rationally related to legitimate governmental objectives. For instance, requiring any prospective tenant who wants to rent that room to be able to prove that it has a reasonable amount of insurance might seem a financial burden to a smaller entity unable to afford such insurance, but that burden applies to both a small secular group as well as a small religious group.
In your example, it’s entirely possible that the issue is not whether you’re Mud-Wrestling for Jesus or Mud-Wrestling for Fun and Profit; the issue is you’re going to be getting tons of mud all over our community center and we lack confidence you’ll be able to adequately clean it up afterwards or prevent people from getting hurt slipping on that mud and sticking us with the medical bills.Report
Seems to me you’re avoiding the challenge.Report
I’m avoiding diving into your no-true-scot game where this kind of vague handwaving towards the infinite is okay but that vague handwaving toward the infinite is Government Obligation To Take Part In A Religious Ceremony.Report
Contrary to your claim, you aren’t understanding my point at all. At minimum, you’re not addressing it. Which means we’re done here and I shall resume my policy of ignoring you.Report
“In practice, the Pledge isn’t a survival question for secular Americans seeking to avoid a governmentally-imposed invocation of the supernatural;….”
I personally see the pledge as a form of idolatry. I can understand pledging allegiance to the constitution, but a flag? No.
While I am an agnostic, I’m not pro-idolatry.Report
I’m not going to dispute what idolatry means; instead, I’ll point out that it’s not for the government to tell a believer what is or is not the proper form of worship. That too would be an Establishment.Report
I agree, of course.
I realize, by the way, that introducing “idolatry” is a backdoor way of introducing faith. What’s idolatry to me my not be idolatry to someone else. I do think that a person who opposes “idolatry” (however defined) should be wary of flag pledges. Sadly, in my experience, many anti-idolators who don’t belong to “worship the flag” religions insist on the obligation to worship the flag. (That’s a tangent.)Report