Wednesday Writs: DNA and Privacy Rights Edition
WW1: The last few years have been like Disneyland for true crime enthusiasts, as familial DNA and genealogy has led to the arrest of dozens of murderers who thought they got away with it, decades after their crimes. Most high profile among them was East Area Rapist/Golden State Killer, Joseph DeAngelo. But as law enforcement combed databases looking for suspects and their relatives, a debate broiled underneath about privacy concerns and the fourth amendment implications of these searches. It seemed only a matter of time before the law caught up, and it was. Maryland and Montana are the most recent states to enact legal measures in the name of privacy protection.
The use of familial DNA was one of the first things I wrote about here at Ordinary Times, back when DeAngelo was caught. I went into detail there of how law enforcement got their guy, but the TL;DR version is this: The DNA profile from the crime scene was uploaded to GEDMatch, a database to which people can submit their profiles and search for relatives sharing their DNA. Every person whose DNA is uploaded to GEDMatch has consented to this; it is the entire purpose of the database. Law enforcement used it similarly, just not with their own DNA. DeAngelo was not in the database, but his relative was. Once the relative was IDed, police searched that person’s family tree for a viable suspect and found DeAngelo, who perfectly fit the bill. They tracked DeAngelo and obtained some discarded DNA, compared to their crime scene sample, and long story short, he will now die in prison.
No one was upset that Joe the murderous creep was caught, but some wondered whether this brave new world of criminal investigation might mean they had unwittingly given up their own and their relatives’ privacy and anonymity. Some speculated that DeAngelo’s case would be tossed due to the unconventional methods used to find him. I came to the conclusion that DeAngelo, or any criminal caught in that manner, lacked standing to challenge the “search” under existing law. I predicted the way in which DeAngelo was caught would be no barrier to his conviction, and I was correct, but it was an alarming enough scenario that some legislatures took notice.
The detectives in the Golden State Killer case did not need or obtain a warrant when they started searching GEDMatch. In Maryland and Montana now, they would. Maryland went a step further, limiting law enforcement to using only those genealogy databases that have informed their customers of the potential use in criminal investigations and requiring waivers and consent of the same. Maryland also requires law enforcement to use the government-run DNA database, CODIS, before trying a commercial site. Per Paul Holes, the forensic detective who was crucial in DeAngelo’s apprehension:
…this part of the law could have tragic consequences. For old cases, he pointed out, DNA evidence is often highly degraded and fragile, and every DNA test consumes some of that precious sample. “In essence, the statute could potentially cause me to kill my case,” he said. And given the speed that DNA technology evolves, he added, it is unwise for a law to mandate use of any particular kind of test.
The biggest names in DNA Databases, 23andme and Ancestry.com, have refused to cooperate with law enforcement. But GEDMatch and FamilyTreeDNA have eagerly done so, and both have said they have no plans to change their user agreements to accommodate Maryland and Montana. Some Marylanders and Montanans with serious skeletons in their closets are probably breathing easier right now.
Privacy rights and criminal investigations are always in tension, with one of the two so often being sacrificed in the name of the other. It’s easy to applaud the capture or identification of a serial killer or the murderer of a little girl after decades, but like our other constitutional rights, it’s important to safeguard them — you want them there for you, if you ever find yourself in the crosshairs of the criminal justice system.
WW2: Fresh off the SCOTUS press: law enforcement on Native American tribal lands have the authority to stop, detain, and search a non-tribe member. The 9-0 decision penned by Justice Breyer recognized that while, in general, “the sovereign power of an Indian tribe does not extend to the activities of non-members of the tribe, nevertheless, the “tribe retains inherent authority over the
conduct of non-Indians on the reservation ‘when that conduct threatens or has some direct effect on . . . the health or welfare of the tribe.'” The tribe does not have jurisdiction over trial and punishment of a non-member, but it may detain and turn over a person suspected of violating state or federal law to an entity with jurisdiction.
WW3: Also new at SCOTUS, Justice Gorsuch wrote another 9-0 opinion. This one put the kibosh on a Ninth Circuit rule involving credibility determinations in immigration cases. The rule was that, “in the absence of an explicit adverse credibility determination by an immigration judge or the Board of Immigration Appeals, a reviewing court must treat a petitioning alien’s testimony as credible and true.” The Court found this incompatible with the Immigration Nationality Act, which requires a reviewing court to accept the lower immigration courts’ “administrative findings”.
WW4: An update by Pope Francis to the “Code of Canon Law” is intended to deal with sexual abuse in the Catholic Church, “defrocking” and otherwise penalizing priests who violate the new provision.
WW5: Permitless carrying of handguns will be allowed in Texas as of September 1. The most surprising thing about this is that it was not already a thing in Texas.
WW6: This week marks the 100th anniversary of the Tulsa Race Massacre, in which black owned homes and business were destroyed and 26 black people killed by white mobs, in attacks spurred on by a thwarted lynching of a 19 year old shoe-shiner accused of assaulting a white teenage girl. The incident, which for years was called a “race riot”, was unknown to most people until recently. The massacre was not even taught in Oklahoma schools and, thanks to an anti-critical race theory law recently enacted in the state, may continue not to be. The law prohibits the teaching of any “lessons that make an individual ‘feel discomfort, guilt, anguish or any other form of psychological distress on account of his or her race or sex.'”
WW7: An unintended consequence of legalized marijuana is that it has put some members of law enforcement out of work. Fortunately, these officers probably don’t mind, as long as they have some room to run, a comfy bed for napping, and lots of fresh water and food, and perhaps some chew toys.
WW1: I think a warrant and a legal requirement that a familial match alone is insufficient evidence of guilt. I don’t have a problem with police using such things to develop leads on suspects, as long as all it is used for is to develop a lead. The cops still have to build a case.
WW7: Eh, no biggie, they were usually just cueing off their handler most of the time anyway.Report
WW6: This doesn’t strike me as a plausible or good-faith interpretation of Oklahoma HB 1775. Here’s the relevant text:
Emphasis mine. This doesn’t say you can’t teach about bad things white people have done in the past. It says that you can’t teach white kids that they should personally feel ashamed or guilty on account of their ancestry.
In fact, the whole law reads as a laundry list of the things that the defenders of CRT insist aren’t actually part of CRT, sketching a rough outline of the bailey to the their motte.
The people raising a stink on this are essentially admitting that they want to be allowed to teach white kids to hate themselves. The provisions of this law, as well as the Trump administration’s executive order banning racially divisive CRT training in the executive branch, are eminently reasonable, and carefully worded so as to ban only the especially toxic aspects of CRT, while still allowing legitimate anti-racism. The hysterical claims that are being made about how these laws prohibit teaching about the history of slavery or Jim Crow are not being made in good faith, but as cover for desire to be allowed to continue preaching the more pernicious tenets of CRT.Report
Speech codes for me but not for thee. What if just teaching that white people did terrible things makes someone feel guilty… We’ll guess you can’t teach it. It’s not like people in the South haven’t been holding onto ideas that slavery wasn’t all that bad, that slaves were treated well, etc. Boy do they get their noses out of shape when people try to teach that slavery was bad.
That CRT means trying to make white kids feel guilty for being white is the extremist version of CRT that is often disconnected from anything in reality. It’s how you whip up free speech lovers into speech coders.Report
“Speech codes for me but not for thee. What if just teaching that white people did terrible things makes someone feel guilty… We’ll guess you can’t teach it.”
This is exactly the concern.Report
Speech codes for me but not for thee.
Well, yes. Public school teachers are government employees teaching a captive audience of impressionable children. It is entirely appropriate to limit their ability to abuse that authority.
Hypothetical time: If teachers were to start endorsing the principles of National Socialism to their students in class, would you dismiss a law narrowly tailored to prohibit this with a glib slogan like “Speech codes for me but not for thee?” What if they were just endorsing Republican talking points? Intelligent Design? A classroom is not a personal platform for a teacher to use as he or she pleases—they have the other 128 hours of the week to do that.
What if just teaching that white people did terrible things makes someone feel guilty…
Nothing in the law can be reasonably interpreted as prohibiting that, for reasons I explained in my original comment. The word “should” isn’t in there just to make it scan better. See my forthcoming response to Kazzy about unreasonable interpretations.
That CRT means trying to make white kids feel guilty for being white is the extremist version of CRT that is often disconnected from anything in reality
IIRC, every bullet point in the bill is based on a real-world example. If I’m wrong, great. If they were going to stay in their motte anyway, then they shouldn’t have any problem with a law that takes away their bailey.Report
Relax, Greg.
Oklahoma Republicans can be trusted to interpret this law in the most evenhanded and objective manner.Report
Well, the devil will really be in how the law is interpreted and enforced.
Consider the following scenario:
Teacher explains that American slavery had whites almost exclusively as slave owners and Blacks almost exclusively as slaves. The teacher explains that slavery was a moral evil.
Would it shock you if someone insisted that such a lesson violated the law?
It wouldn’t shock me.
But, hey, people insist on lots of stupid things. Would that person’s position be found in favor of by whomever would make such decision? Well, that is where things could get really, really hairy. And we just won’t know unless/until curriculums and lessons start getting challenged.Report
The problem with this line of reasoning is that any law can be misinterpreted. For a sufficiently motivated judge who cannot be overruled, there is virtually unlimited latitude in legal “interpretation.” Consider the classic example of Wickard v Filburn, wherein all nine Justices jointly discovered the curious phenomenon of interstate commerce which is neither interstate nor commerce. So if the Supreme Court of Oklahoma wants to ban teaching about slavery or the Tulsa massacre, I’m pretty sure they could find a way to do it right now with the laws they already have.
Given that any law can be abused if applied in a sufficiently stupid or bad-faith manner, why should this law in particular be subject to such extraordinary scrutiny?
Question for both you and Greg: Is the possibility of misinterpretation your true objection? If an additional clause were added along the lines of “This law shall not be construed so as to prohibit [bullet points very broadly describing reasonable topics and concepts, and categories such as objective historic facts],” would you be okay with this law?Report
I haven’t read the law in question so am admittedly speaking from a place of naivete. And I will say that I appreciate you quoting from the actual law and offering clarity that would likely elude most people just reading/hearing about this on the news.
As a teacher, I’m generally opposed to laws that outlaw certain topics. Maybe it is splitting hairs in terms of who has say over what, but I don’t like the idea of curriculum being set via the legislature.
So, in this situation, you have the “any law can be abused if applied in a sufficiently stupid or bad-faith manner” reality combined with “a group making laws about curriculum who have no real training/experience in developing curriculum and no practical history of being in an oversight position of curriculum” which, to mean, is a particular bad combination.
When most teachers are making decisions about their curriculum, they are considering questions like, “What content do I have to cover per state standards?” and “What does my administrator expect to see from me?” This law now requires teachers to ask themselves, “Am I going to break the law talking about any topics that might somehow fall under the purview of this law?”Report
Okay… I found and read the bill. I would agree with you that, as written, the bill should not impact any well-developed curriculum. So, in many ways this is likely much ado about nothing.
And yet…
I anticipate a major surge in families challenging schools by waving this law in their face any time a kid comes home and says, “We talked about race today at school.”
So while this shouldn’t have much of a practical impact, I think the likely outcome will be schools erring way too much on the side of, “Let’s not risk the bad press and lawsuit and whatever other possible consequences could emerge from actually violating this law,” and making it less likely we get well-designed curriculum and more likely we get crap.Report
I agree too. Once you spend the money on good lawyers when some a*****e brings a complaint, which is damn near inevitable. That being the case, the cautious school administrator (and there is almost never any other kind) will likely follow the path of least resistance and stay way far away from anything that would bring a complaint — however doomed ultimately after spending a s**t-ton of money on lawyers. And that is exactly what the supporters of this bill are counting on.Report
Not sure whether OK’s law has a private right of action but where the rubber really meets the road on this issue is going to be the civil rights lawsuits.Report
WW7: “The Distinct Odor of Marijuana” has been used a *LOT* as a pretext to stuff that ends up not involving marijuana at the end of the day. Even as I’m pleased that these cops are able to retire, I’m wondering what their replacements will end up signaling that they smelled.
“The distinct odor of defiance, which was also noticed by the K-9.”Report
WW1: The federal database is already outdated in terms of the state of technology by about 15-20 years. Mandating its use as a precondition will result in one of two things: (1) Direct match, but the investigator will want to proceed to confirm with SNP genotyping, or (2) no match, so now the investigator can use commercial databases with SNP genotyping. The first event may seem like overkill, but I would expect a defense attorney to bring up in cross examination the comparative disadvantages of STR genotyping. Oh well, maybe there will be enough DNA evidence for defense to run their own tests.Report
WW1:
So… the police will now have to go to a Judge, say “we have DNA”, and then they’ll use these semi-public databases?
When would the Judge say “no”?Report