Wednesday Writs: Freedom of Speech in Snyder v. Phelps
L1: The protection of unpopular speech is one of those rare issues that finds friends and foes on both sides of the political divide. Flag burning, kneeling, KKK parades- all examples of things that a large number of people find horrendous and distasteful, but which are permitted means of expression under the First Amendment. It means that you are generally free to pronounce even your most abhorrent views, with some exception, without fear of government authority. It’s the oft-repeated Evelyn Beatrice Hall quote: “I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it.”
Collectively, though, Americans were willing to make an exception for Fred Phelps.
The late and unmissed Fred Phelps was the leader of the Westboro Baptist Church, that vile group of evil people who traveled to funerals all over the country to mock and taunt the grieving loved ones at funerals of gay men and women, members of the military, police and fire personnel, and other prominent individuals. They would typically stand near the funeral site, holding signs with horrific slogans such as “thank God for dead soldiers” and other invective meant for maximum shock and offense.
The funeral of Marine Lance Corporal Matthew Snyder, killed in Iraq, was held in Maryland on March 10, 2006. Phelps and his small band of miscreants stood on public streets nearby, holding their signs. Matthew’s understandably angry and traumatized father, Albert Snyder, sued Phelps and his family members in federal court for defamation, publicity given to private life, intentional infliction of emotional distress, intrusion upon seclusion, and civil conspiracy. The first two claims were dismissed when the judge ruled that Snyder could not prove the necessary factual elements.
Following a District Court jury trial on the remaining claims, Snyder was awarded $2.9 million in damages. Phelps filed post-trial motions seeking to overturn the jury verdict and alleging the damages were excessive. He succeeded only in a reduction to $2.1 million. Turning to the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals, Phelps argued he was entitled to have had the case dismissed as a matter of law before trial on First Amendment grounds. Finding that the statements on the signs “were on matters of public concern, were not provably false, and were expressed solely through hyperbolic rhetoric”, the Appeals Court ruled in Phelps’ favor.
Snyder took his case to the US Supreme Court, who granted certiorari in Snyder v. Phelps, our case of the week. Chief Justice Roberts authored the 8-1 decision, from which Justice Alito dissented (Breyer concurred separately.) The Court’s analysis began by explaining that freedom of speech can be a defense to an otherwise valid claim of intentional infliction of emotional distress (IIED). But the Court further notes that determination can hinge on whether or not the speech is related to a matter of public, rather than private, concern, the former being “at the heart” of First Amendment protections. Further, wrote Roberts, precedent has held that not all matters of speech are of equal importance under First Amendment analysis: “That is because restricting speech on purely private matters does not implicate the same constitutional concerns as limiting speech on matters of public interest: “[T]here is no threat to the free and robust debate of public issues; there is no potential interference with a meaningful dialogue of ideas”; and the “threat of liability” does not pose the risk of “a reaction of self-censorship” on matters of public import.” (Quoting Dun & Bradstreet v Greenmoss Builders) Examples given of speech concerning private matters included dissemination of another person’s credit report and a government employer’s rule prohibiting employees from selling homemade porn videos. In both of these cases, the First Amendment right claimed was tempered by the Court’s finding that the “speech” was not of public concern.
The Court admits that the difference between speech of public and private concern is not always easy to determine. Nevertheless, the Court found that the statements on WBC’s signs are “plainly” related to topics of public interest:
While these messages may fall short of refined social or political commentary, the issues they highlight—the political and moral conduct of the United States and its citizens, the fate of our Nation, homosexuality in the military, and scandals involving the Catholic clergy—are matters of public import. The signs certainly convey Westboro’s position on those issues, in a manner designed, unlike the private speech in Dun & Bradstreet, to reach as broad a public audience as possible. And even if a few of the signs—such as “You’re Going to Hell” and “God Hates You”—were viewed as containing messages related to Matthew Snyder or the Snyders specifically, that would not change the fact that the overall thrust and dominant theme of Westboro’s demonstration spoke to broader public issues.
Therefore, the Court applies a stricter standard to determine whether the expression is protected. While recognizing that even speech related to public concern is subject to some government regulation- reasonable, content-neutral restrictions on time, place, or manner- the Court points out that, while Maryland now has a statute restricting picketing at funerals, no such law was in place at the time of the Snyder funeral. Phelps and crew had a right to be where they were, and what they expressed while in that place was subject to the “special protection” due to speech of public concern.
The Court next turned to Snyder’s claim of “intrusion on seclusion”. This is a type of invasion of privacy claim. Generally, it refers to a situation in which a person intentionally and offensively invades the privacy or seclusion of another, or of another’s private matters, resulting in emotional distress. Snyder argued that he was a “captive audience” to the Phelps clan, forced to see their message. This has been an important consideration in other cases, particularly Rowan v Post Office Dept. in which the Court found the First Amendment did not give a mass mailer of pornographic ads the right to deliver their “message” to a person’s mailbox, and Frisby v Schultz, upholding a city ordinance prohibiting the picketing “before or about” a person’s home.
However, the Court found that Phelps and his group were a fair distance away from the funeral and did not impede its occurrence. What’s more, Snyder admitted he could only see the tops of the signs, and did not realize what they said until he saw it on the evening news later. Therefore, the “captive audience” doctrine was inapplicable. Having found against Snyder on both the IIED and the intrusion on seclusion claims, the conspiracy claim which rested upon these other two claims was also rejected.
In closing, Roberts wrote:
Speech is powerful. It can stir people to action, move them to tears of both joy and sorrow, and—as it did here—inflict great pain. On the facts before us, we cannot react to that pain by punishing the speaker. As a Nation we have chosen a different course—to protect even hurtful speech on public issues to ensure that we do not stifle public debate. That choice requires that we shield Westboro from tort liability for its picketing in this case.
Breyer’s concurrence largely agrees with the majority; however, he wrote separately to point out that even speech about public concerns could be regulated, if doing so was necessary in “proportionately advancing the State’s interest in protecting its citizens against severe emotional harm.” Because the funeral was not disrupted and Snyder did not see the messaging at the time, Breyer did not think the harm of the speech outweighed the First Amendment protection interest. He thus took a narrow view of the majority holding, one very specific to this case and fact dependent.
Alito’s dissent- one which the then-newly retired Justice John Paul Stevens said he would have joined and which Justice Ginsburg called “heart felt”- called the WBC’s “speech” a “malevolent verbal attack” that “brutalized” the Snyder family. He conceded the group’s right to publish books, spread their message on television, picket peacefully, post online, and otherwise disseminate their message. But it was his opinion that when a targeted attack like that on the Snyder family causes actual injury, the First Amendment should not offer protection from tort liability, noting that Phelps did not contest Snyder’s claims of the emotional injury suffered. Alito did not agree with the majority’s conclusion that the speech was related to public concerns but rather viewed it as a personal attack on a private figure, couched in language related to opinion on public issues.
L2: In the wake of the plot to kidnap Michigan’s Governor Whitmer by a group of men, the legality of militias- or illegality- is a hot topic. Are private militias legal? No… but kinda.
L3: Meanwhile, a fight is brewing over hamburgers in Texas, and it’s… juicy.
L4: Poll watching is legal; voter intimidation is not. Know the difference.
L5: During lockdown, Ohio temporarily joined 30 other states who allow the sale of “to-go cocktails;” the popular change is now permanent.
L6: The Ninth Circuit recently temporarily stayed an injunction against federal agents ordering reporters to leave the scene of protests. Last week, the Court lifted the stay, putting protections for the press back in place.
L7: Courts continue to weigh in on vote-by-mail fights in several states as election day looms ever closer.
L8: From ProPublica: the sad story of an esteemed judge’s mental decline, and the prisoner who pinned his hopes on her.
L9: In a superhuman feat, this lady finished part of the bar exam at 5, delivered a baby at 10, and finished the rest of the test the next morning.
L6: Seems that should be similar to poll watchers. If you want to be able to stay, you have be a disassociated observer, as in not participating in the protest itself, merely recording and reporting on it. If you decide to get into the thick of it and participate, you lose the right to stick around after the dispersal order is given.Report
L1 – The majority was right, and this case should have never reached the SCOTUS, it should have been slapped down at much lower levels.
L2 – I think the ability to form militias is covered by the 2A. It is only if they actually break the law that should cause any issues.
L6 – Oscar is right, and if you move from disinterested to active participants, all the press credentials in the world shouldn’t shield you from illegal acts you commit. That said, the burden should always be on the police to prove it, so here is another reason to Wear the F’n Camera!
L9 – Get this woman a place arguing before SCOTUS, as she has what it takes!Report
L2 – The well regulated part is something. Read some of Br. Dave’s writing on this and his opinion is that a militia has to at least have the tacit support of some level of government (in his argument, that government is state government, not local, not federal). I don’t think you can just claim the militias are all part of the State Guards and be done with it, since the militia act is still on the books.
But at the same time, you can’t just throw together a bunch of guys, claim yourselves a militia, and have any legitimacy. That is nothing more than a social group with firearms. It’s not illegal as such, but it’s not under the orders of the legitimate governing body, so it’s not a militia, and taking actions that would be reserved for a militia acting under orders would be illegal.Report
I have read Dave’s thoughts, and I absolutely, utterly disagree on that point. I would say that the militias must operate outside the preview of gov’t, not as a check on gov’t so much, but as a basic building block of society. And not just in a firearms sense, but in an arms sense. With all that this entails. Writing can be a weapon, standing in witness can be a weapon, etc. And that ability should be another factor in who and what can form up as groups. A PTA is a form of militia, the Boy Scouts, BLM. And so on down to the well discussed Rooftop Koreans and the workers at a business.
A militia is a group banded together for the common defense. Whether that is bad education, the police, or a shitty upbringing.Report
How would you apply this logic to the Seattle CHOP?Report
“93% Peaceful is pretty good, all things considered” might be a rich vein to tap.Report
Agreed.
Is 7% violent about what one would expect for a self-appointed group of people with guns, or is some other outcome expected?Report
I think that 7% is probably the threshhold for saying “maybe we should criticize this”.
If it’s significantly less than that, we can just say “this is a one-off” and change the subject to talking about one of our pet issues.Report
The only data I have found on that is CC holders committed 0.0074% of felonies here in Oregon during 2016.Report
As long as CHOP did not do anything that is illegal, then I see no problem with a neighborhood banding together for security, to redress wrongs, and so on.
CHOP did things that are illegal.Report
In Los Angeles, there are neighborhood BIDs (Business Improvement Districts) where the businesses create a separate force of teams that clean the sidewalks, patrol and monitor for security, and handle the low level de minimis things that keep the area safe and inviting for customers.
Although unarmed, they could be considered a militia. They are empowered to apprehend and subdue people.
But the takeaway is that the BID is a highly regulated militia, covered under all sorts of rules from the city.
Because without the umbrella of regulation, there really isn’t any legitimacy to their use of force. Anyone would be free to counter their force with an even greater use of force.Report
No regulation prevents store owners from banding together to take pictures of miscreants, informing each other of undesirable actors, about what techniques work to prevent robberies and theft, as long as those techniques are not illegal. To pressure the local gov’t to act on already enacted laws, to increase turn out to vote in laws. And so on.
All of those things fall outside the umbrella of regulation. None of those things require any use of force, outside possible self-defense.Report
In my mind, the militia, in whatever form, exists to support society when government can’t (or won’t). If the police (for instance) refuse to enter an area like CHOP/CHAZ, then the ‘militia’ can act to support the community until government reasserts itself.
The problem, AFAICT, with CHOP/CHAZ was that such a group did not exist prior, so no legitimate, recognized body of volunteers existed to take action, thus it fell to the first group to show up with guns.
In my neighborhood, everybody knows we have CERT teams, and who they are, and what they are supposed to be doing, so in the event we are cut off from emergency services, no one is wondering who CERT people are.Report
L6 – IMHO, the press should be allowed to stick around, because LE is known to engage in shenanigans when they think no one is watching. It annoys me to no end that the courts, by and large, refuse to acknowledge this, and still perpetuate Scalia’s vaunted ‘Professionalism”.Report
One of the greatest functions of the technology that has become so ubiquitous has been the emergence of video of everything, instantly uploaded to various internet sites. Police and reporters, indeed anyone whose motives and actions might be at all questioned, should be recording 24/7.Report
Police in big cities are under 24 hour video scrutiny from people on the street with phones. Yet their behavior is just as bad as before.Report
Yes, and 1) the video is fairly recent, not decades-long in occurrence, and 2) is starting to change things. This is a huge ship we are trying to turn, and it won’t happen overnight. But, we need to start somewhere.
My only fear in this is how far the riots set that sea-change back.Report
This comment shocked me.
I can’t remember the last time I saw “disinterested’ used correctly.Report
Don’t worry, I will use big words and then horrible mispronounce them.
You know, the curse of the reader.Report
I know it well. I used to pronounce “alkaline” like the baseball player.Report
How do you get ‘DiMaggio’ out of that?Report
L1 — Phelps and company were awarded costs, which they had managed to inflate to $16,510 by filing many unnecessary doc pages.Report