A Fantastic Week for Conservatives
It has been a busy week at the Supreme Court. In fact, I can’t think of another week in which so many momentous cases were handed, much less so many conservative victories.
One of the most notable rulings of the week was in the Harvard case. There the Court held that race-based admissions policies were unconstitutional. While many were upset at the ruling, which heralds the end of affirmative action as we have known it since the 1960s, the ruling upholds the Equal Protection Clause of Constitution and the 14th Amendment.
This ruling is being decried as racist in many quarters, but in reality, it is a step towards implementing a colorblind society. There are other, more constitutional ways, for schools to ensure a diverse student body that could pass judicial muster, but the policies of Harvard and the University of North Carolina, a separate case which was lumped together with Harvard’s for the ruling, blatantly and intentionally favored one race while penalizing another. That is racist by definition.
On the same day that Harvard was handed down, the Court also delivered a victory for religious freedom in Groff v. DeJoy. This wasn’t a giveaway to religious believers, rather it established more fairness when it comes to religious accommodations for workers.
Previously, the standard for whether an accommodation was an “undue hardship” for employers was a de minimis test. Essentially, any burden for the employer was an “undue hardship.” The Court revised that test to say that the burden must be “substantial in the overall context of an employer’s business.” This decision strikes a fair balance between protecting an employee’s freedoms of religious and conscience and understanding that accommodations will not always be practical.
Groff didn’t win his case outright, but he does get a new trial under the new standard. He may still end up losing on the merits because, as I discussed back in April, the Postal Service has already gone to great lengths to accommodate his desire not to work on Sunday, but Groff did win an extension of religious freedom for Americans of all faiths.
I want to point out that Groff was decided unanimously. Knowing that and given the long list of recent victories for religious litigants, it is becoming more and more difficult to seriously claim that religious freedom is threatened in the United States.
The following day, religious freedom got another boost along with freedom of speech in 303 Creative v. Elenis. This case is similar to other recent cases in which governments sought to compel businesses to create products, such as wedding cakes and photos, that the worker deemed objectionable.
While some coverage paints this ruling as a carte blanc to refuse service based on sexual orientation, that is not accurate. The decision notes that Lorie Smith, the graphic artist who owns 303 Creative, is “‘willing to work with all people regardless of classifications such as race, creed, sexual orientation, and gender’ and ‘will gladly create custom graphics and websites’ for clients of any sexual orientation.”
The real issue was whether Colorado could deem virtually all businesses to be “public accommodations” that would be required to offer “equal access” to the “unique services” of an individual. To the State of Colorado, that meant that it could compel Smith to offer products, such as websites celebrating same-sex weddings, that violate her conscience.
Justice Gorsuch, writing the majority opinion notes, “Colorado seeks to compel just the sort of speech that it tacitly concedes lies beyond the reach of its powers.”
Again, the Court decided the issue based not on public opinion about Smith’s religious views but on the letter of the law. Colorado’s position was plainly a violation of the First Amendment right to free speech. Government can neither limit nor require individual speech.
303 Creative was not about denying service to gay customers. It was about whether government can force artists to create unique products that they don’t want to make. In those terms, the right decision should be blindingly obvious.
The second case handed down on Friday was similar in that it turned on the wording of the law rather than public opinion. Again, this is appropriate.
In Biden v. Nebraska, the Court held that the language of the HEROES Act of 2003 does not allow the government to cancel large amounts of student loan debt in 2023. Under the law, the government can “waive or modify… student financial assistance programs… in connection with a war or other military operation or national emergency.”
Chief Justice Roberts led a 6-3 majority in an opinion which held that the student loan forgiveness was neither a waiver nor a modification and went far beyond the scope of the authority that Congress had intended to grant the executive branch.
“The question here is not whether something should be done, but who has the authority to do it,” Roberts wrote.
Ultimately, Congress failed to act on student loan forgiveness, but Congress’s failure to act does not confer additional authority to the president. The assumption that it does bedevils presidents of both parties.
Hopefully, the Court’s newfound ability to hold presidents to the letter of the law rather than allowing them to twist and expand the understanding of current law will help to rein in the growth of executive power. Ideally, this will will inspire Congress to overcome its disfunction and pass well-crafted, specific, and timely laws that do not delegate excessive authority to executive branch bureaucrats.
Nevertheless, Roll Call reported that President Biden has unveiled another plan to provide debt relief for student loan borrowers, this time under the Higher Education Act of 1965, which he says allows the Department of Education to “compromise, waive or release loans under certain circumstances” and does not require a national emergency. It isn’t clear why the Higher Education Act was not the basis for debt relief in the first place if it provides a more clear authority than the HEROES Act, but we can expect a follow up case before long.
But wait, there’s more! Not all of this week’s conservative victories benefited Republican priorities. One of the most over arching decisions came early in the week in Moore v. Harper, a case that, as David French put it, “nuked [a popular Republican legal theory] from orbit.”
In this case, the Court obliterated Republican claims that state legislatures could escape judicial review on the subject of election laws. This idea was so pernicious that the Court obviously felt the need to go out of its way to quash it before the 2024 elections.
So, there are reasons for both parties to be upset with the Supreme Court this week, but plenty of reasons for conservatives to be happy. As one Twitter user put it, it was a “pretty bad week for the ‘what has conservatism ever conserved’ folks.”
A lot of the credit goes to Justices Barrett, Kavanaugh, and Gorsuch, along with Chief Justice Roberts. While I’m no fan of Donald Trump, his pick of Supreme Court justices was easily the best thing about his presidency. The Trump trio plus Roberts make up a centrist faction on the Court that can swing either way and anger both sides.
More than a victorious week for conservatives, this was a victorious week for the rule of law. The Court’s conservatives showed again that they can follow the law, even when it goes against the wishes of the president and party that appointed and confirmed them. Even when it goes against public opinion.
That’s entirely appropriate. Justices should rule on the law and the facts of the case, not a desired outcome or opinion polling. For much of my life, I’ve watched the government expand its power through dubious interpretation of words and laws. The current Court seems determined to buck that trend, no matter which party seeks push the bounds of government.
We are not a colorblind society. We are rolling back any legal framework that would have made us colorblind. And being colorblind was never the end goal.
When Dr. King talked about his children being judged by the content of their character and not the color of their skin , he was talking about a world where the Black experience was as valid, as uplifted, as equal in its economic and educational outcome as the white experience. Not that we were colorblind. He wanted us to see and value the richness of culture and history underlying the experience.Report
“We are rolling back any legal framework that would have made us colorblind.”
By making it illegal to look at color?Report
By making it illegal for all colors to count equally.
We started by eviscerating the Voting Rights Act. And this decision – as the 25 year California experiment clearly shows – means FEWER Black and Latino persons advancing through university education. On the basis of a decision that takes the “Model Minority” myth and exaggerates it beyond belief.
The white, “conservative” backlash will do nothing to strengthen minority success in this country.Report
You want to count people by color.Report
I want people of color to count as much as i do as a whit e man. We are nowhere near there yet.Report
Pity about all of those schools that don’t have a single student proficient in counting…Report
What did you mean when you said that being colorblind was never the goal?Report
Did you read my second paragraph?Report
I read it. It was on the basis of that paragraph that I said you wanted to count people by color. Then you responded with something that seemed different, and I’m trying to understand that.
I think my problem was mainly in your first paragraph though. You say we’re not a colorblind society and we’re moving away from law that would make us colorblind, but then you say that colorblindedness was never the goal. I’m also aware that you said you favor equity over equality. I think it’s important to work through the implications of that.Report
Equality and equity are places on a continuum, not opposed destinations. Getting to Equity means passing through equality, not giving it up.Report
If “ruling on the facts” includes a ruling on imaginary harms done by fictitious individuals, I’m not sure this was a bad week for the ‘what has conservatism ever conserved’ folks.Report
Exactly. I thought it was to make up evidence and use it in court. Apparently not when you get the SCOTUS ruling you paid for.Report
Take a look at my article from today to address the fallacy in the comment above. Rulings on re-enforcement lawsuits are not unconstitutional.Report
Take out a “request” from two gay men. Insert an interracial couple. Would her position still be protected speech? See back in the day, whites used a LOT of religious imagery and language to oppose interracial marriage.
And interestingly – perhaps even ironically – Justice Thomas doesn’t just want to protect this woman’s speech, he wants to revisit Loving, presumably with an eye to tossing it. Which of course would make his own marriage no longer legal . . .Report
Which of course would make his own marriage no longer legal . . .
Lots of wrinkles to that. Presumably control goes back to the states. Despite Loving being a Virginia case, it is unlikely that today’s Virginia will make their marriage illegal. I don’t know where they got married, but it also seems unlikely that states would be allowed to go back and invalidate long-standing marriages.
I can’t ever shake the feeling that some of the justices think they’ll shift power to the states, and don’t mind if some states do sh*tty things with that power, because the justices don’t live and won’t ever have to live in “those” states.Report
You may be right about thinking they won’t have to live with their decisions. Still, we live in a world where Donald Trump was actually President for four years, and Abortion has been effectively outlawed in half our states. We are way past the point where predicting what state could do has any merit, since its clear states will do the sh!tty stuff when given the chance..Report
I didn’t say it wasn’t constitutional to rule on an imaginary harm done by a fictitious person.
I said it was further fuel for the fire of “what has conservatism conserved” argument. Specifically, that conservatives aren’t looking to defend themselves from harm, but rather, to use the power of the state to enforce a social order to their liking.
What conservatism is conserving seems like a state-enforced caste system.Report
I will write a piece about 303 Creative under separate cover.
I note here that I am much less optimistic about both the short- and long-term impacts of the Havard and UNC cases abolishing affirmative action. In the short run, we will certainly see universities looking to maintain diversity within the student body through means that are not race-explicit. As they should — a diverse student body offers students a qualitatively different educational experience than a monochromatic one; people of different racial backgrounds experience the social environment of the United States differently from one another and it is particularly important that members of the majority, favored group learn what those other experiences are like if we are to move towards our shared aspirational goal of meaningfully real equality.
But if you think that challenges to admissions practices are going to come to an end once and for all now that these cases have given conservatives their long-anticipated victory against affirmative action, you are hopelessly naive.
One of the likeliest ways for a public school like UNC to reach towards diversity, for instance, would be to re-interpret its mandate. UNC is charged with providing higher education to some percentage of North Carolina’s graduating high school students. Let’s say that’s 10% although I don’t know if that’s exactly the right number. You could say that means the 10% of students who score highest on some multiple of grade point average and SAT score in North Carolina. But you could also say that means the top 10% of students in each individual school in North Carolina. That’d probably diversify the student body there even further.
And if UNC did that, you’d better believe that some privileged parent of some privileged kid would come along and say “This is an obvious workaround of the no-more-affirmative-action rule,” because it would be an obvious workaround of the no-more-affirmative-action rule, and it would result in the kid who comes from a privileged class not getting in to UNC and that spot instead going to a student with a lower GPA-SAT multiple. Boom. Now we’re challenging every pro-diversity rule as “affirmative action by proxy,” and that’s what the future looks like. Carve that in stone, it’s going to happen.
So I don’t see this case as alleviating racial tensions vis-a-vis college admissions. It’s going to aggravate them. The problem for the conservative activists who conceive of and fund and staff and populate these efforts to change who gets access to higher education is not methodology. The problem is the result.Report
I don’t remember the details, but you probably want to look up the case involving UT-Austin admissions. Texas had gone to a scheme where being in the top 10% in your Texas HS graduating class got you admission to the UT system. IIRC, not necessarily to your first choice of UT schools. I vaguely recall that the young woman involved in the case had been advised by at least one guidance counselor that if she wanted into UT-Austin, it might be better if she attended a different high school for her last couple of years because she would be much higher in the class standings there.Report