Off With Their (Over)heads: Trump Administration at War with Public Health

Photo by Hildabast, CC BY-SA 4.0
This was expected but is still hitting like an anvil:
The US National Institutes of Health is lowering the maximum “indirect cost rate” that research institutions can charge the government, the agency said late Friday – a move that scientists said could be devastating for the nation’s position as a research leader.
The average NIH grant to an institution has typically had about 30% earmarked for infrastructure costs such as facilities, maintenance and security; some institutions charged up to 60% or more. The new NIH policy will cap that indirect cost rate at 15%, effective immediately.
“NIH spent more than $35 Billion in Fiscal Year 2023 on almost 50,000 competitive grants to more than 300,000 researchers at more than 2,500 universities, medical schools, and other research institutions,” the agency said in its announcement. “Of this funding, approximately $26 billion went to direct costs for research, while $9 billion was allocated to overhead through NIH’s indirect cost rate.”
The agency said the move would more closely align government-funded indirect costs with the rates paid by private foundations. The Gates Foundation, for example, pays a 10% rate for indirect costs, while the Carnegie Corporation and John Templeton Foundation each pay 15% of indirect costs for research.
So let me explain what’s going on here. While I don’t work on NIH grants, the process for the NSF and NASA grants I work on is identical.
When I put together a research grant, it includes a proposed budget. That budget might include part of my salary, part of a student’s salary, travel funds, publication funds and, in some cases, equipment. Those are direct costs that I, as Primary Investigator, have control of, and they are approved, at least in the broad details, by the grant committee and the funding agency.
However, I do not do my work floating in a vacuum. I do my work at a University and they have to spend money supporting my research. There are staff members who manage the grant, check compliance, maintain computers and keep me out of trouble. There’s a building, which depreciates, and the electricity to run said building. Students also come with costs that are not covered by the grant. There’s an entire ecosystem in which scientific research happens.
In order to compensate research institutions for this, every grant comes with indirect costs, money given to the institution to defray their operating costs. This is sometimes called “overhead”, but that makes it sounds like it’s all going to bureaucrats. A better term is F&A — facilities and administration. Every time so much as a light bulb is changed, at least a part of the cost is paid by research grant overhead.1
Indirect costs are usually calculated as a percentage of the grant. Some overhead rates can be 60% or even higher. Because Elon can’t be bothered to do basic math, he’s claiming this means 60% of federal research funds go to overhead. This is not the case. The overhead rate is exclusive — on top of the direct costs. That means that you might get, say, $100,000 in direct costs for the grant and $60,000 in indirect costs. So the actual percentage going to the institution would be 37.5%, a little over one-third. Private foundations, as noted, sometimes will pay smaller overhead rates. But private funds also come with a lot less paperwork because you’re not accountable to the taxpayers.2 Overall, NIH is spending about 26% of its funds on indirect costs which … actually seems quite reasonable. It’s comparable to the admin costs in the defense and healthcare industries.
Some big public universities might be able to make up for this by raising tuition or scrounging for private funds. But for most institutions, this cut will be devastating. At best, it will mean getting rid of almost all support staff just to keep the lights on. It will mean researchers being swamped with paperwork and extremely complex compliance issues instead of doing research. At worst, it will mean massive downsizing of biomedical research, one of the most dynamic and critical sectors of our economy.
Now, to be fair, overhead rates have been rising in recent years, partly because everything is getting more expensive in higher ed and partly because many research grants have not been increased to account for rising costs. I will say: I do think that overhead costs have gotten a bit out of hand and I would welcome federal agencies being a little more aggressive in tamping them down. But this edict from DOGE is not a careful consideration. This is picking a number out of Project 2025 garbage because it was the low end of the spectrum. Actually, it’s worse than Project 2025, which wanted to use 15% as a floor and negotiate upward. Oh … and Project 2025 wanted to do this through Congress
And that’s the gripping hand here. Like everything else this Administration is doing, this is probably illegal. Overhead rates are negotiated and contracted; the federal government can’t unilaterally rewrite contracts on its own. Moreover, it seems like this sort of change has to be authorized by Congress or at least through some sort of procedure with public comment. It can’t be done by some 23-year-old Musk disciple who goes by the moniker of PutinSnoot47.
However, this does highlight an Administration priority: an attack upon science and especially upon the biological sciences. Nominating Kennedy for HHS head, nominating Bhattacharya for NIH head and trying to slash NIH funding by a third shows an Administration at war with public health and medical research.
If there is one fixed star of Donald Trump’s second term, it is revenge on those he believes wronged him. Trump blames his 2020 loss on the COVID pandemic and especially the public health agencies that were on the front lines. It was health agencies that refused to lie for him and pretend the pandemic didn’t exist. When he was claiming COVID would disappear quickly, they were warning us that cases were surging. When he was demanding that we stop testing, they were cranking out cheap tests by the millions. When he raged against shutdowns … well, that wasn’t the idea of healthcare experts but he blames them anyway because he has no concept of object permanence. This is an Administration that believes that if we cover our eyes and pretend diseases don’t exist, they won’t. Just look at how they are currently squelching information on bird flu.
In short, they see this as a thumb in the eye of a group of people they don’t like with little concern for the consequences for national health. It’s the sort of thing we’ve come to expect from an Administration that is obsessed with vengeance. And the impact this will have on public health doesn’t matter to Musk or Trump because rich people will always be able to get cutting edge healthcare (e.g., Trump getting access to monoclonal antibodies when he caught COVID). It’s the rest of us who will suffer.
But … that’s what peasants are for, isn’t it?
- F&A rates are set by agreements between funding agencies and research institutions. They can vary a lot, even within one institution. And the amount of administration needed for a grant can also vary a lot. The biological sciences have administrative issues I don’t, such as strict rules regarding work on biological samples, human subjects or animal subjects. Many of the physical sciences also have complex rules on environmental and/or safety issues for labs. The most complex thing I occasionally deal with is export control: making sure classified or sensitive information — such as detailed satellite information — doesn’t go to foreign countries in violation of the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR). I am extremely happy that there is a campus office that deals with this for me.
- Also, they piggyback a bit on F&A funds from public grants.
The universities would have been well served years ago to agree to mostly lower off campus rates for a lot of stuff.Report
They do. I work off-campus and pay a lower overhead rate by a significant amount.Report
Well yes they do for some things. Having previously managed large cooperative agreements for my agency I can also say confidently it’s not mostly the case. Especially if the university has a medical school.Report
You know the thing where people complain about Donald Trump charging the Secret Service rent to use an office in Trump Tower or Mar-a-lago?
The sputtering as they talk about the graft that is taking place by charging the Secret Service part of the electricity bill?
I’m not asking if you agree or disagree, mind. I’m just asking if you see it and recognize the complaint and see how someone might think that Trump was pulling a fast one.Report
I don’t think the objection was charging them rent. It was that he was way overcharging them, far beyond what the facilities cost. By comparison, overhead spending has to be documented pretty carefully.Report
I definitely saw stuff of the form “Those people are there RISKING THEIR LIVES!!!” and so on. “If he doesn’t want secret service protection, he can just decline!!!”
I’m honestly surprised that you didn’t see any of those.
It was that he was way overcharging them, far beyond what the facilities cost.
I compare to your saying “I work off-campus and pay a lower overhead rate by a significant amount.”
I’m not entirely certain what stuff is supposed to cost nor what counts as “significant”.
That said, there does seem to be a *LOT* of tip-for-tapping going on and if sunlight is going to result in this stuff looking bad, that’s not the fault of the person who opened the drapes.Report
I like how you’re pretending the issue is ‘this stuff being exposed’ instead of ‘executive overstepping actual constitutional authority and also violating contracts’.
Republicans are in charge of Congress. They can certainly set whatever rules they want here. They can even run on this issue if they want. In fact, there.are very few things that be Trump Administration has done that could not be done by legislation.
But the executive can’t do this unilaterally, and it certainly can’t do it retroactively, breaking contracts.
And, to be clear, grants are contracts. I have only been on the barest peripheral of dealing with grants, and then only private ones, but even I know you aren’t just handed the money. You spend the money (often borrowed) under the agreement that you have, aka, you do something for them that they have promised to pay you for, and they reimburse it. And you have to be very careful to spend the money in ways that they approve of, or you did not, in fact, follow the grant and you won’t get reimbursed.
It doesn’t matter if new leadership of grant issuer decides they don’t like it, it is a contract that both parties have agreed to.
Or are we at the point where conservatives think contracts don’t mean anything anymore if they don’t like them?Report
I like how you’re pretending the issue is ‘this stuff being exposed’ instead of ‘executive overstepping actual constitutional authority and also violating contracts’.
Please understand that from my perspective, executive overstepping actual constitutional authority and also violating contracts is nothing new. No new ground is being broken here.
What makes this different is not how crazy it is that a president is overstepping nor that he is violating contracts.
It’s the stuff that is coming to light that is novel.Report
Really? Would you like to list times that the executive has violated contracts in the past?
I mean, I can think of a few, but it’s things like violating treaties with Native Americans, things that we agree were actually theft and should not have been done.
I would ask for the violating constitutional authority, but I know your examples are going to be lunatic interpretation of what the Federal government as a whole is allowed to do. As opposed to things that are explicitly granted to one branch of the government versus another, which is the problem here. So I’m not going to bother.
But I would like to know the contract thing.Report
The college loan debt forgiveness gambit? Does that count?Report
Oh, and why don’t you list some of that stuff that’s coming to light? As I pointed out with the last thing that you came forward with, it was just a straight up lie, attributing the entire cost of Politico subscriptions across the government to USAID, and building a conspiracy theory from that that frankly didn’t even make sense.
So instead of vague posting about what you’re talking about, try actually saying them.
Or are you talking about ‘overhead on federal contracts is sometimes pretty high’, which hardly seems ‘novel’, and was _extremely public_, it’s part of the grant bidding process and posted on websites, it has not recently ‘come to light’.Report
attributing the entire cost of Politico subscriptions across the government to USAID, and building a conspiracy theory from that that frankly didn’t even make sense.
We’re getting awfully narrow, aren’t we?
“Those subscriptions weren’t from USAID! Only a few were! And other parts of the government were giving Politico money!”
The scandal was not that the money specifically was coming from USAID, but that millions and millions were being funneled to Politico from the USG.
“You were wrong about all of that money coming from USAID!” is true.
You’re right.
You’re also not addressing what the issue was by focusing on that to the exclusion of what came to light.
Or are you talking about ‘overhead on federal contracts is sometimes pretty high’, which hardly seems ‘novel’, and was _extremely public_, it’s part of the grant bidding process and posted on websites, it has not recently ‘come to light’.
If the argument is that “this isn’t new, everybody knew this!” in response to it becoming Common Knowledge, you’d best be prepared to come up with some other argument in service to maintaining the status quo due to the sheer number of people who, until recently, just weren’t paying that much attention.
Try something like “the fact that you weren’t paying attention until recently is not my problem! We’re keeping the status quo and you can’t do anything about it!”
Maybe that’ll resonate.Report
If there is one fixed star of Donald Trump’s second term, it is revenge on those he believes wronged him.
We shall find that this is a piss-poor ideology upon which to base the formulation of public policy.Report
Yes and?Report
Next month we get to see what they do with the in-house science in the next continuing resolution…
Last Friday Boeing called an all-hands meeting for everyone working on the Space Launch System (SLS). The meeting was called on short notice — hours, not days — and lasted six minutes. The top manager told everyone there was a risk that the SLS would be canceled, some contracts as early as next month. NASA contractors have started stacking the SLS for the Artemis II mission, scheduled to launch no earlier than April 2026.Report
Hey cool, we’ll get eighteen months of everyone pretending that human spaceflight is gonna move to Starship, we’ll spend a pile of money on engineering studies, and then it’ll go back to SLS which was designed for in the first place.Report
What little we are hearing is not good. NSF has been told 50%. Others are likely to be similar.Report
I was thinking more inside than that (and more local, to be honest), like all the material science labs at NREL, or assorted labs at NIST in Boulder. Or the big supercomputers at multiple national labs.Report
I’m sure we will get there because you can’t cut the workforce that far back without impacting systems. But once you cut NSF 50% does it matter if all the supercomputers in boulder are still on? Or at oak ridge? No one will be able to buy the compute time.Report