Wikileaks on The Wire
I suppose I’ve been noticeable by my general absence on the Wikileaks brouhaha over the last week. Much of that has had to do with real life priorities, but some of it has simply been that I’ve been struggling to make sense of where I stand on it. To that end, both Mike Farmer’s comment quoted by Jason below, and Daniel Larison’s post this morning have been particularly helpful to me. Nonetheless, my thoughts are still completely muddled and scattershot, and about the only thing I seem to know for sure is that the various aspects of this contain the seeds for a paradigm shift in the public’s view of and relationship with the State (though that may or may not be in the manner that Barrett expects and indeed presumably desires). So to give my thoughts at least some semblance of coherence, I figured I’d turn to quotes from the single-most paradigm shifting television series of my lifetime for some help. So, here goes:
– “All in the game yo, all in the game.” – Omar. What Wikileaks is doing is, and should be, legal, regardless of whether what its sources are doing is, or should be, legal (in some cases, it should; in others, not so much). I do not trust the State to decide what does and does not qualify as protected journalism or speech under the First Amendment in ordinary circumstances; I trust it much less when the relevant disclosures are embarassing or intend to be embarassing to the State.
– “Ain’t enough y’all done violated the Sunday morning truce. No, I’m standing here holding a torn-up church crown of a bona fide colored lady. Do you know what a colored lady is? Not your moms, for sure. ‘Cause if they was that, y’all would’ve known better than that bullshit. Y’all trifling with Avon Barksdale reputation, you know that?” – Slim Charles. What Wikileaks has done with Cablegate is profoundly unethical under any system of ethics other than anarchist ethics. If one is not an anarchist, one should be condemning Wikileaks’ actions here rather than praising them. Perhaps because of its scattershot approach, Cablegate appears to have successfully “exposed” (as noted below, there are meaningful things it has unsuccessfully exposed) relatively little other than that the American diplomatic corps is highly professional and quite honest and well-intentioned on the whole. If one is not an anarchist, and thus accepts the need for diplomacy, exposing so many communications of that sort undermines the ability of diplomats to do their jobs with any kind of candor. Government officials will likely become more, rather than less, secretive, even as no wrongdoing has been exposed from a non-anarchist perspective. From a non-anarchist perspective, this should make Cablegate distinct from previous Wikileaks releases showing the public vital information about the failures involved in two wars of highly debatable legitimacy or utility.
-“Man must have a code.” – Bunk. If one is an anarchist, then of course what Wikileaks is doing in Cablegate should be celebrated, and it’s thus no coincidence that Assange is himself an anarchist. I am not an anarchist, though I accept it as a legitimate ethos.
– “Baker, Let me let you in on a little secret, The patrolling officer on his beat is the one true dictatorship in America, we can lock a guy up on the humble, lock him up for real, or say fuck it and drink ourselves to death under the expressway and our side partners will cover us, No one – I mean no one – tells us how to waste our shift!“- Det. Jimmy McNulty. I am appalled by calls for Assange to be prosecuted on espionage charges or assassinated. Even if one is not an anarchist (and I am not), I would hope that one could recognize that anarchism is an entirely legitimate political worldview. I would also hope that one could recognize the terrifying consequences of a government entity possessing the power to pursue private individuals with no duty of loyalty to that entity for the act of publishing information embarassing to the government. That prosecutorial discretion exists as a restriction on future prosecutions under the same theory as would be used for Assange is of little comfort; quite the opposite, in fact. The exercise of prosecutorial discretion, after all, has a bad tendency to be just a cute phrase for “discretion to prosecute those who anger the prosecutor.”
– You know, Avon, you gotta think about what we got in this game for, man. Huh? Was it the rep? Was it so our names could ring out on some fucking ghetto streetcorner, man? Naw, man. There’s games beyond the fucking game. Stringer Bell. The attacks on Visa, et al, seem misguided under any ethos. Certainly, the discriminatory treatment towards Wikileaks by these private entities is confusing. The comparison Jason mentioned this morning with the KKK is instructive. Why permit payments to a universally-despised and unquestionably abhorrent subversive entity while prohibiting them to another (admittedly subversive) entity which possesses fairly widespread support (albeit with widespread opposition as well)? I assume it’s safe to say that this isn’t an ideological statement by these corporations so much as it is a response to pressure from the State. Going after the corporations themselves thus can do little to change the corporations’ position, even as it inconveniences and harms the innumerable customers of these corporations.
– “Whiting, Klebanow, Templeton… They snatch a Pulitzer or two, and they are up and gone from this place. For them, that’s what this is all about. Me? I’m too fuckin’ simple-minded for that. ” Baltimore Sun City Editor Gus Haynes Perhaps the biggest problem I have with the Wikileaks model is that it admits of shockingly little editorial discretion. The result is that its utility is drastically reduced for any purpose other than making it more difficult for the State to conduct its core functions. It is not terribly useful for putting an end to specific injustices committed by the State, particularly because it relies heavily on traditional media to analyze, disseminate and sort the information in the leaks. This is fine, I suppose, if making life more difficult for the State is your entire goal. Otherwise, the dumps seem to provide so much information that the media can choose to focus on relative trivialities, such as whether Hamid Karzai was called a bad name, and readily ignore items that actually show wrongdoing. This I think, is a primary reason why Assange has become a target in a way that no one would ever think of doing to a quality investigative journalist obtaining leaked documents. For the average person, there isn’t even arguably a public benefit flowing from the document dump. By contrast, if the document dumps demonstrated an exercise of editorial discretion in and of themselves wherein only purported actual malfeasance was exposed, it is only those stories that could receive coverage, and anger could be directed at that malfeasance.
-I’ll do what I can to help y’all. But, the game’s out there, and it’s play or get played. That simple. –Omar. To turn to Mike Farmer’s argument as cited by Jason, I agree that ultimately the only proper response to institutions like Wikileaks is the development of an informal public code of ethics. Attempts to shut down or prevent, through use of the State’s tools, future copy cats of Wikileaks or even Wikileaks itself will ultimately either fail or result in an unprecedented clampdown on internet freedom, to say nothing of the loss of the benefits of a Wikileaks copy cat exercising actual editorial discretion. An informal code of ethics would allow people like Assange to operate according to their own independent code of ethics (unpalatable as that code may be to most people), while minimizing the impact of violators of the informal public code by providing little attention to information gleaned from those violative acts and placing public pressure (especially economic pressure) on the media to focus only on those releases that are consistent with the public code of ethics. The existing blowup over Wikileaks is precisely the opposite of this: the media, by focusing largely on the more trivial aspects of the dumps, is furthering Assange’s violations of this hypothetical ethics code, even as it serves to shelter the State from exposure of its true misdeeds. The public debate is primarily over Assange himself, who is alternately viewed as either a monumental hero or an incomparable villain, but in any event is thus provided every incentive to continue his operation without change. Rather than ignoring him for his transgressions of this hypothetical ethical code in which one should not have to worry about one’s communications being exposed unless there is something many would view as actually sinister about those communications, and in which actually sinister acts should not be given less exposure than private expressions of candor, we have rewarded him by making him into a Bond Villain/Comic Book Hero chimera.
Wow. I wish I’d written this. Bravo.Report
That means a lot coming from you. Thanks!Report
“Perhaps the biggest problem I have with the Wikileaks model is that it admits of shockingly little editorial discretion. The result is that its utility is drastically reduced for any purpose other than making it more difficult for the State to conduct its core functions. It is not terribly useful for putting an end to specific injustices committed by the State, particularly because it relies heavily on traditional media to analyze, disseminate and sort the information in the leaks.”
By working in tandem with outlets like the NY Times and the Guardian, why do you think “editorial discretion” wasn’t achieved? Since both a Times and Wikileaks published similar material on the whole, why would your critique of Wikileaks not also hold for the Times?
And as Sanger have noted, one of the beneficial things to come out of these leaks is that things the American MSM has suspected for a while, for instance that many Middle East countries fear a nuclear Iran, are not public record and can’t be denied.
This frees up journalists working in outlets in those countries, for instance Saudi Arabia, to write more about these issues, since the cat is already out of the bag.
In other words the most profound effects of the leaked cables will probably be allowing new topics to be more openly discussed in these other countries, rather than any direct benefit to the U.S. public.Report
This is a very good point. Like I said, my thoughts on this are still remarkably muddled. You’ve just muddled me more.Report
This is absolutely the best post on Wikileaks I have read.Report
I don’t necessarily agree with all of its contents. But the body of work has me reconsidering the areas of disagreement.Report
I’m flattered. Just don’t reconsider too hard; my thoughts are too muddled to have any authority.Report
” It’s a serious situation I find myself in, the bad guys want to slice my head off on YouTube with a rusty blade, and the good guys want to lock me up in an orange jumpsuit … along with the bad guys.”—th3 j35t3rReport
Very good, but wrong show. Try again with Deadwood.Report
I don’t know. I always got the feeling that Deadwood was about the unsustainability of Chaotic Evil.Report
No doubt my interpretation of Deadwood is colored by my own experiences of the past several years. Two posts, one from Julian Sanchez today and one from me two years ago, that might help you understand why I find Deadwood a better parable than The Wire
Wikileaks and “Economies of Repression”
http://www.cato-at-liberty.org/wikileaks-and-economies-of-repression/
Our Decision is Final
http://www.comstockfilms.com/blog/tony/2007/09/24/our-decision-is-final/
(BTW, at the present I can neither see my own website, nor check my e-mail because the nextwork I’m on, a network at quasi-public cultural institution, does not allow access to my domain.)Report
Also this nugget from Jeffrey Goldberg at The Atlantic seems relevant:
http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2010/12/henry-kissinger-to-soviet-jewry-drop-dead/67864/Report
Excellent — Omar is my favortite philosopherReport
Oddly enough, when I first read about the Wikileaks dump the first Omar quote jumped to mind pretty quickly.
I agree with your general sentiment for a couple of reasons:
1) In The Myth of the Rational Voter, Bryan Caplan made what I thought was a pretty convincing case that deception is a fundamental part of democratic politics. Basically voters want certain policies and certain outcomes, but the policies they want won’t lead to the outcomes they want. So a politician either has to A) tell voters they won’t implement the desired policies (in which case they won’t get in), B) give voters the desired policies at the expense of the desired outcomes (they get voted out), or C) tell voter’s they’ll implement the desired polices but actually implement as few of them as possible. I know this model to be true in economics, and I suspect it may be true in diplomacy as well. Deception requires secrecy, so yes you need to be able to hide some things from the public. The tricky part is working out what the government should be able to hide.
2) There’s a huge difference between information and data. Information is data given context, by providing structure and filtering out irrelevant details. Raw data is useless to people without the specialist skills needed to interpret it. To switch TV shows for a moment, in Yes Minister when Sir Humphrey wanted to keep hacker in the dark, he’d give him as few papers as possible. When Hacker complained, Humphrey would respond by giving Hacker as many papers as possible. With so much raw data at his disposal, Hacker couldn’t figure out what was going on. By releasing all the cables without offering context, Wikileaks didn’t inform the public, they just data dumped. Now perhaps Wikileaks was counting on the MSM to the the interpretation work for them, but I thought the idea behind Wikileaks was that the MSM couldn’t be relied on for this work.Report
“The attacks on Visa, et al, seem misguided under any ethos. Certainly, the discriminatory treatment towards Wikileaks by these private entities is confusing. The comparison Jason mentioned this morning with the KKK is instructive. Why permit payments to a universally-despised and unquestionably abhorrent subversive entity while prohibiting them to another (admittedly subversive) entity which possesses fairly widespread support (albeit with widespread opposition as well)? I assume it’s safe to say that this isn’t an ideological statement by these corporations so much as it is a response to pressure from the State. Going after the corporations themselves thus can do little to change the corporations’ position, even as it inconveniences and harms the innumerable customers of these corporations.”
Having a visa or mastercard account is now a requirement for foreigners to enter the United States for any reason. One could make the argument that this represents an authoritarian cartel. The credit card companies have blood on their hands and are fair targets.Report
Fortunately, anarchists just can’t stay organized.
Openleaks, WikiLeaks Rival, To Launch As Break Away From ‘Slave Driver’ AssangeReport
That’s the whole point.Report
I’ve reached pretty much all the same conclusions that you have so far Mark. No real harm done but we need to have some kind of reasonable code of ethics for when something really juicy does fall into their laps.
I also like the conspiracy theory that the govt engineered the whole thing. It actually makes a lot of sense. Gets their criticisms of foreign countries/leaders out there without making them complicit. Wikileaks may just be the patsy in the scheme.Report
A few points:
I have trouble with the claim that nothing was exposed in Cablegate. Just off the top of my head:
– The extent to which the US diplomatic missions in Spain and Germany labored to ensure that the Americans responsible for kidnapping and torturing Khalid El-Masri would not be brought to justice in those countries.
– The government of Nigeria appears to be a wholly owned subsidiary of Shell Oil, with Pfizer taking a minority stake.
There’s a second category of stuff that provides rock solid confirmation of things that sophisticated observers of foreign policy already surmised but which governments like to pretend isn’t the case — stuff like Arab elites eagerly wanting to expend American blood and treasure fighting Iran.
These revelations are most definitely a net positive for decent people everywhere. There’s the final category of stuff that amounts to embarrassing gossip that doesn’t really inform the public but has the potential to make the State Department’s job harder. It’s collateral damage, no doubt. Thems the breaks.
Re: MasterCard… I’ve got problems with them being portrayed as some sort of “private” victim here. They’re operating in cahoots with the government because they’re afraid of losing their privileged position in our system of state capitalism. They’re fair game.Report
I’m also reminded of Stringer Bell’s “Is you taking notes on a criminal fucking conspiracy?”Report
You’re thinking might be less muddled if you relied on a clearer picture of what is actually going. I’m not sure what “scattershot” approach you’re writing about. As E. C. Gach commented, WikiLeaks is working in tandem with the NYT, El Pais, Le Monde, Der Speigel, and the Guardian. These newspapers define global editorial professionalism. (The European ones more so than the torture-apologizing NYT.) Indeed, the Guardian and Le Monde have published editorials supporting WikiLeaks and condemning American responses.
Furthermore, it wasn’t a document “dump”. It has been a steady release of a percentage of documents each day. At the time of this writing, they have published 1,295 cables, less than 1% of the total. (http://213.251.145.96/cablegate.html). One cannot justifiably round this number to mean a “dump” or “1000’s”.
As Shannon’s Mouse points out, just in these 1,295 cables, among other things we have already learned that the U.S. government has pressured Germany and Spain to not pursue torture-related prosecutions against American agents. Whatever else that may surface from these documents, that alone surely gives them some seat at the “importance” table. We knew Afghanistan was failing; we didn’t know our government was pressuring our allies to not prosecute our war crimes.
Finally, “anarchy or diplomacy” is a false choice and not the issue at hand. The issue, regardless of Assange’s personal beliefs or motivations for his actions, is whether diplomacy is acting in good faith on behalf of the interests of the citizens of the United States, which our government is elected and appointed to represent. As we have learned with the case above, it does not in some very important ways. The diplomatic corps may be professional and require secrecy to accomplish their jobs. What we have learned is that our government, in secrecy from us, directs them for purposes that can be illegal and unethical.
The informal code is an interesting suggestion. I believe we have WikiLeaks because news reporters have abrogated their traditional watchdog role. Assange is the middleman between the leaker and the general public, or newspapers now. Traditionally and in our accepted whistleblower process, the leaker would go to a reporter, who would review the material, determine if it’s legit, perhaps research the background and motivation of the leaker, then publish the relevant material in an editorialized fashion. But, what leaker in his or her right might would go to a reporter who has water gun fights with the VP at his mansion or cocktails at McCain’s ranch or a big gala dinner where everyone laughs and slaps each other on the back? The rise of WikiLeaks implies that reporters lost the trust of whistleblowers, who have now turned to someone who does not follow our accepted whistleblower norms but does act in ways to respect and retain their trust. Before we worry about what code of ethics WikiLeaks is practicing or should, perhaps we need to focus on getting our reporters and government back to upholding theirs.Report
Why do you suppose the New York Times came out so unequivocally in support of Frank Porter Stansberry, but has been less clear about its stance on Wikileaks/Assange?
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/04/opinion/04sun3.htmlReport
Frank Porter Stansberry was guilty either of insider trading (if they were really selling inside information) or fraud (if they were falsely claiming to do so). Where’s the First Amendment issue?Report
I happen to agree with your assessment of Mr. Stansberry. The New York Times strongly disagrees with both us, or at least believes that whatever Mr. Stansberry did or didn’t do, his conviction constitutes a threat to free speech that trumps any criminality on his part.
So again, why the New York Times lent the full weight of its editorial reputation to Mr. Stansberry’s cause, but has not and despite using materials obtained through Wikileaks, made any where near as strong a statement in support of Assange/Wikileaks?Report
OK, why?Report
Why? Like I’d have the answer? I’m asking you!Report
Ah, I thought it was a rhetorical question.Report
On the internet I always preface rhetorical questions with “Pop quiz, hotshot.”Report
al Jazeera has had good coverage as well.Report
al Jazeera? You’d find more balance reading Workers World Daily.
All the Arab countries just love these leaks–especially the parts where Israel and the United States will do all the heavy lifting regarding Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons. Yeah, I remember that picture of the young Palestinian boy, Muhammad al-Durrah, supposedly shot and killed by the IDF. It turned out to be a complete hoax. The forensic evidence showed it would not have been impossible for him to have been shot to death by the IDF, yet Al Jazeera, went on, and on, and on, stoking the fires of the mobs and causing untoward death and destruction. They wanted a martyr and they were going to get one one way or another.Report
Good thing we aren’t discussing the merits of al Jazeera then. Or the Israel-Palestine conflict.Report
“If one is not an anarchist, and thus accepts the need for diplomacy, exposing so many communications of that sort undermines the ability of diplomats to do their jobs with any kind of candor. Government officials will likely become more, rather than less, secretive, even as no wrongdoing has been exposed from a non-anarchist perspective.”
Glad you wrote this. I was considering writing a post, but this allows me to make a comment instead. I’ve spent the last two weeks fully immersed in secret correspondence from diplomats and consuls, and the last three years studying the same. Luckily for me, all of these people are long dead and the French government is okay with me reading their secret correspondence.
The conclusion I’ve come to is that what these people do for a living, more than anything, is whatever they can to prevent wars from happening. They really are status quo sort of men and the reason for this is that, indeed, wars cause social instability and make things hard for their nation’s businessmen abroad who might not care for having their business disrupted or being killed in the melee.
Defense of the status quo can, of course, be very nefarious, and often is; but trying to prevent social collapse and outbreaks of violence are a bit easier to defend. And I have to point out that most of these people were able to work to shore up social stability while still pushing foreign governments very hard to defend the rights of people who appealed to them for help, regardless of nationality. In fact, they’re quite often a powerful voice for the oppressed within foreign states. Diplomacy really isn’t as given to nationalism as people think. But, of course, this is why diplomacy shouldn’t be dictated by popular sentiment at home and shouldn’t be a matter of popular politics. It’s also a pretty good argument for ‘secrecy’ and ‘cloak and dagger’ behind-the-scenes operating.
To give just one example, I just read a ton of documents from the French consuls in Beirut in the mid 1840s trying desperately to prevent the recent feud between the Maronite Christians and Druzes from turning into a full-blown civil war. Anyone who knows the history knows that all efforts failed by the end of the decade.
But I’m not sure that means that what they were doing trying to keep the peace was nefarious; nor that it should have been ‘transparent’. The French intelligensia at that time, and here I’m thinking of people like Lamartine, were screaming for the government to avenge the blood of the Maronites and send in the army. But the fact is that this was a local feud over redistricting (one purposefully stirred up by the Ottomans to keep the population divided, incidentally), and calling for a religious war was idiotic. Lots of people would die. Lots of people did die in fact.
As it happens, the governments of Europe wanted a civil war too, so they could take sides and take land from the Turks in the event of a victory. But what’s really interesting is that the consuls did not work in that direction at all. Instead, they wanted to promote peace and stability and to prevent those who were under their protection from being massacred. I fail to see why their secrecy makes this nefarious, nor why there really shouldn’t be plenty of diplomacy that goes on behind closed doors. And the problem I have with blanket calls for ‘transparency’ is that there actually is a value to doing some things in private. People don’t just require secrecy because what they’re doing is corrupt.Report
Rufus, as usual, makes an excellent point. In the midst of the neo-con attack on diplomacy as a sissified evasion of the real solution to all problems (i.e. the military), can we really afford to make diplomacy more difficult?Report
Mike Farmer’s code of ethics comment really is very helpful. The problem I have with many of the wikileaks defenses I’ve read elsewhere is that they hold up ‘transparency’ as a universal good and ‘secrecy’ as an indicator of malfeasance, but this doesn’t leave us any criteria to distinguish between whistleblowing and simply trying to cause harm to individuals and organizations.
The truth is every single human organization, from your local diner to the church to Nike to the US government “maintains secrecy”, and that’s because they all have what the sociologist Irving Goffmann called a “stage” and a “backstage”. A firefighter will talk differently about the fire department to a fellow firefighter than he will to the general public, and it’s like this with every organization. So, if you leak those private conversations to the public, it’s likely that you’ll leak something that will embarass the organization, whether or not it’s actually in the public interest to know. To give a really easy example, you as the public have a right to know if your local diner has cockroaches in the kitchen, but you have no right to know if the head manager and head waitress are cheating on their spouses together, even though both leaks could equally embarass the organization.
If you hate an organization, I suspect anything is fair game. There are certainly websites dedicated to undiscriminating take downs of anyone involved in a particular industry that they find unpalatable. So long as it ’embarasses’ the organization and “brings about much needed change” by hastening its demise. But embarassment is a terrible criteria for leaking information. A lot of the defenses I’ve read of wikileaks elsewhere argue that governments and large corporations are so corrupt in themselves that anything that could hurt them is worth leaking, which is at least honest resentment. Most of us, however, see a difference between leaking that, say, the US government is waging a secret war in Greenland, or our diplomats secretly think the Canadian Prime Minister is a moron, even though both might be scandalous.
Conversely, I’ve heard some bloggers argue that saying something different in private company from what you would say to the general public over the internet is, in itself, proof of corruption. But there’s something unsettlingly totalitarian about that. My community has absolutely no right to expect me to give up my privacy; nor do they have the right to argue that my demand for privacy shows that I have “something to hide”. And that’s true even if I work for the dreaded government. Now, if what I’m doing in secret is conspiring against the public interest, that’s a whole different thing. But, again, we need to define our terms, and I think this is where I agree with Mike.Report